HISTORY OF EUROPE. [229 



rature, which may be considered 

 as their grand aUy, sapped the foun- 

 dation of feudal authority in France 

 and other kingdoms of Europe, in 

 the course of the eighteenth. 

 The remaining wealth of the 

 church was plundered in France 

 and the Netherlands, and even in 

 Spain the contributions demanded, 

 from the wealth of the church, are 

 a sure forerunner of the confiscation 

 of the whole. Large patrimonial 

 inheritances, and hereditary prero- 

 g-atives of all kinds began to be re- 

 garded with an evil eye. Monar- 

 chical governments and domains, 

 the vast estates and privileges of 

 nobles began to be split, and 

 crumbled into democi-atical atoms. 

 And this is the grand event, and 

 that which is most characteristical 

 of the eighteenth century. 



The progress of that spirit, which 

 effected the fall of the church, and 

 threatens also the ruin of military or 

 feudal power is scarcely more re- 

 markable than the means by which 

 tlie established powers in both 

 cases, religious and political, at- 

 tempted to oppose and repress it. 

 They did not oppose argument to 

 argument, merely : but, though ar- 

 gumentation was not wholly neg- 

 lected, they rested their cause chief- 

 ly on physical force: they strove 

 to put gags into the mouths of their 

 opponents; and to the pen opposed 

 the bayonet. 



The growth of democracy being 

 jurttly traced to clubs or political 

 societies, these were every where, 

 in monarchical governments, dis- 

 couraged and dispersed. Even in 

 Great Britain, a law was made pro- 

 hibiting all meetings of the people, 

 ill or out of doors, to any number 

 above fifty, without previous notice 

 thereof being given to a magistrate, 



who was obliged to attend the 

 meetings, and, on jiain of instant 

 death, to dissolve them at pleasure. 

 With i-egard to the relations of Bri- 

 tain, and other sovereign powers, 

 who durst to avow their sentiments, 

 it plainly appeared, notwithstand- 

 ing the pretence of restoring the 

 Bourbons to the throne of their 

 ancestors, they were either actuated 

 by views of ambition, or had 

 nothing more in view than to main- 

 tain a war with France, without 

 any definite object, as long as they 

 shauid^3e«nabled to do so, in order 

 topreventthat infection, which was 

 justly to be dreaded from a free 

 and amicable intercourse with the 

 Fi-ench, (ever ready to propagate, 

 with zeal, their opinions, and even 

 modes and fashions,) in times of 

 peace. The politicians, who had 

 nothing or little more than this, 

 in view, dexterou.sly obviated the 

 principle of imitation, by operating 

 on that animosity and rivality which 

 is wont to subsist between neigh- 

 bouring nations, nearly on a par, in 

 respect of power and reputation. 



As the consequences of the revo- 

 lutions that took place in respect of 

 religious doctrines and establish- 

 ments were not foreseen, in the 

 times of Luther and Calvin, and at 

 the peace of Westphalia, so neither 

 do we of the present tera, foresee 

 the consequences that are to follow 

 ( for consequences iiiust follow) , the 

 mighty blow that has been given to 

 the feudal system. The double 

 attack that has been made, in the 

 course of the three last centuries, on 

 established authorities, in matters 

 both civil and religious, and that in 

 times of such extended, easy, and 

 ready intercourse, cannot be other 

 than rapid, as well as important. 

 The intelligent and reflecting naind 



