HISTORY OF EUROl'E. 



35 



health was not expected, and that 

 it was not probable, that he would 

 be soon able to resume his functions. 

 An invasion of the country appear- 

 ed not improbable, and, in such an 

 event, its situation Mould be deplo- 

 rable, if the executive power were 

 suspended, and there should be no- 

 body to exercise the regal functions. 

 When the royal power ceased to 

 act, there was an end of that con- 

 stitutional control over the legisla- 

 ture, which was intended to watch 

 over it, and which coukl dissolve a 

 parliament at the shortest notice. 

 If the country had to contend 

 against the greatest dangers, at a 

 time that the functions of Royalty 

 were suspended, it would be but a 

 poor consolation to tell it, that mi- 

 nisters afted on their omh respon- 

 sibility, and, that if the country were 

 ruined in their hands, they might be 

 punished for their errors or their 

 crimes. 



The Chancellor of the Exchequer 

 denied, that there was any wish on 

 (he part of ministers to conceal from 

 the house, any information which 

 they could, consistently with their 

 duty, bring forward. He was aware 

 that ministers subjected themselves 

 to great responsibility ; but yet he 

 firmly believed, that the opinion and 

 the feelings of the great majority of 

 the house, would be against a par- 

 ticular communication, under the 

 present circumstances. On the au- 

 thority of the medical gentlemen 

 who signed the bulletin., on com- 

 paring the symptoms of his majesty's 

 present indisposition, with those of 

 his two former ones, he had reason 

 to think the present disorder would 

 be but of short duration. In the 

 event of an invasion, his majesty's 

 sign manual was not necessary for 

 calling out the volunteers, and nluc- 



Vox,. XfA'I. 



ing them under martial law. He 

 could assure the house, however, 

 that if any extraordinary occasion 

 occurred for the exercise of the royal 

 fundtions, no obstruction now ex^ 

 isted. He thought, therefore, it 

 would be very improper to adjourn, 

 or interrupt the regular business of 

 the legislature at this moment. 



Air. Pitt disapproved of the mo- 

 tion for adjournment. He did not 

 think that a mere apprehension that 

 the personal exercise of the royal 

 authority had been suspended, would 

 be sufficient to justify parliament in 

 deferring all their legislative func- 

 tions. He felt the very arduous 

 responsibility which ministers were 

 under, as to the time in which they 

 might think proper to make a com- 

 munication on the subjc6l. He 

 hoped, however, that ministers 

 would not push those sentiments 

 of delicacy and reverence, which 

 they must feel for his majesty, 

 so far as to endanger, that whicli 

 was always the dearest consideratioa 

 to him, the safety of the people, 

 whose welfare was committed to his 

 charge. For his part, he did not 

 believe that ministers would push, 

 to a dangerous and criminal excess, 

 that responsibility under which they 

 adcd. As to the ordinary business 

 of parliament, he saw no reason 

 M-hy it should be delayed ; and, 

 therefore, wished that they might 

 enter into the discussion of the 

 biisiness, which was fixed for that 

 night. , 



Mr. Windham thought that mi- 

 nisters called upon the house for a 

 greater degree of confidence than 

 any ministers were entitled to, when 

 they insisted that it was their pro- 

 vince to judge when parliament 

 ought to interfere. The chancellor' 

 of the exchequer had gone so far as 



D to 



