12 



ANNUAL REGISTER, 



1805. 



he contended that tho degree and 

 nature of the disloyalty alledged to 

 exist, did not justify so harsh a sys- 

 tem of conduct at that time ; but 

 even the grounds alledged then were 

 sufficiency itself, compared with 

 those which were laid for the mea- 

 sure now proposed. If there were 

 bad subjects in some parts of Ire- 

 land, so were there also in many 

 parts of England, and unless a dif- 

 ferent measure of justice was to be 

 dealt out between the two countries, 

 should the suspension now proposed 

 . take place in Ireland, what security 

 have the people here, that it would 

 not also be extended to England ? 

 It was said, that we were at war 

 with a government which wished to 

 destroy our constitution and inde- 

 pendence, but he would ask what 

 government of France were we ever 

 at war with, which did not wish to 

 do the same ? — aye — quite as willing 

 as the present government ? If the 

 enemy threatened to invade Ireland, 

 so did he also threaten to invade 

 England, and tiius was the war a 

 reason as applicable to one country 

 as the other. The honourable ba- 

 ronet (Sir John Newport) felt a 

 laudable tenderness and solicitude 

 for Ireland. So did he also ; but 

 he likewise felt, in the same manner, 

 for England, if the minister's prin- 

 ciple should unfortunately be adopt- 

 ed. It bad been repeatedly de- 

 clared by the right honourable gen- 

 tleman himself, that notwithstanding 

 the blockade of the enemy's ports, 

 an invasion of Great Britain may be 

 expected from day to day, and if 

 that was to be m;.de a sufHcient 

 ground for this suspension, then 

 farewel to the habeas corpus act, the 

 proudest boast and noblest guard of 

 the British constitution. lie ob- 

 served, that from the revolution 



down to the treaty of Aix la Cha- 

 pelle, this privilege had not been 

 withdrawn from the people so often 

 as during the administration of the 

 right honourable gentleman ; and 

 then only for short intervals, though 

 we were almost perpetually at war, 

 and though there was much disaf- 

 fection in the country, springing 

 from the Jacobites, who were as re- 

 solute and enterprising, and much 

 stronger in numbers, influence, pro- 

 perty, and power, than the Jacobins 

 of the present day. As to the no- 

 toriety of diaaflfection alluded to, 

 even admitting it to be true, did not 

 the same, or a much greater noto- 

 riety exist at the commencement of 

 the last war, when it was stated to 

 be even obvious in the streets ? And 

 yet did the government apply for 

 the suspension of the habeas corpus 

 till an enquiry was instituted by ^ 

 committee, upon whose report the 

 proposition was grounded ? The 

 character of Lord Ilurdwick, as re- 

 presented, were that represeiitatioa 

 ever so well founded, would be no 

 argument w ith him. Be the disposi- 

 tion ol a man w hat it may, he would 

 not consent to invest him with ex- 

 traordinary, uncontrolled powers, 

 for this reason, that it may be 

 abused, and because the experience 

 of the world taught him to dread 

 the abuse of power, to whomsoever 

 it may be given. lie could not lis- 

 ten to any reasoning upon character. 

 His objection was to grant the pow- 

 er prefixed to the office, not to the 

 man. The right honourable gentle- 

 man may be as fond of possessing 

 unconstitutional power himself, as 

 he was of giving it to a lord lieute- 

 nant, and if so, he had as good rea- 

 sons to give for intending the sus- 

 pension to Great Britain, as for 

 contiuuing it in Ireland. Ireland 



was 



