HISTORY OF EUROPE. 



that lord Melrllle should quietly re- 

 tire with his riches and his houours. 

 He then entered into a statement of 

 the emoluments arising from these- 

 Teral otlices of lord Melville, and 

 particularly dwelt upon the grant 

 of 1500/. a year to lady Melville 

 out of the public money, and for 

 which no service had been per- 

 formed, and observed, that if any of 

 those grants Avcre revocable, they 

 nught to be revoked. He then con- 

 cluded with moving, " an humble 

 *' address to his majesty, praying 

 *' that he v.ould be graciously pleas- 

 " eil to remove lord Alciville from 

 " all offices under the crown during 

 " pleasure, and from his councils 

 " and presence for ever." 



Mr. Canning did not think that 

 the case which, at the most, amount- 

 ed to no more than a bare suspicion, 

 warranted the severity of the pro- 

 ceedings now proposed. When he 

 looked back to the proceedings in 

 that house, in 1795, upon the seri- 

 ous charges then brought forward 

 a§ainst two most eminent comman- 

 ders, and that their most active de- 

 fender, and most indefatigable ad- 

 vocate, was that very noble lord, 

 who has now been the theme of the 

 honourable gentleman's violence 

 Itid invective, he little expected 

 that, in his present defenceless state, 

 attempts to hunt him down would 

 have been made by the kindred of 

 sir Charles Grey, and the friends of 

 sir John Jervis. 



jNIr. Grey knew of no similitude 

 in the two cases. When the two com- 

 manders alluded to returned home, 

 distinguished by military success ; 

 instead of concealing their conduct, 

 by any dishonourable subterfuge, 

 they courted an enquiry. In that 

 •ituation, the support given them by 

 ford M^clrille, instead of being a 



favour, was doing them no more 

 than justice. After declaring the 

 noble lord had been guilty of a high 

 breach of duty, it was necessary to 

 follow it up with some corres- 

 ponding measures. The resignation 

 of the noble lord was a matter of 

 course, as he dare not remain in 

 power after the opinion of that 

 house had been so solemnly expres- 

 sed ; but he was still a privy coun- 

 cillor, and held several lucrative 

 offices during pleasure, his removal 

 from which would not be at all 

 carrying punishment very improper- 

 ly. For these, and other reasons, he 

 supported the motion. 



Mr. George Ponsonby thought 

 the present motion inseparably con- 

 nected with the former resolutions, 

 unless an assurance was given, that 

 the political life of lord Melville 

 was forever closed. 



Mr. Samuel Thornton defended 

 the conduct of the bank, and main- 

 tained, that no blame could attach 

 to it in any of these transaction*. 



Mr. Bankes did not think there 

 was any necessity for the eagerness 

 shewn to follow up the blow al- 

 ready struck ; as he thought there 

 was no probability that the noble 

 lord would again be restored to his 

 majesty's councils. He also thought 

 it contrary to precedent, as he never 

 understood it to be the usage of the 

 house, to address his majesty against 

 persons out of office; therefore, 

 though he voted for the motion of 

 the former night, he should resist 

 the present. 



Mr. Windham thought it neccs- 

 sary to require a promise, or decla- 

 ration, which would render it im- 

 possible to restore lord Melville; 

 otherwise he had such a hold of 

 those in power, and they were so 

 linked and connected together, that 



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