HISTORY OF EUROPE. 



Ill 



jagc Russia io co-operate, th<; pre- 

 ▼ailing opinion was, that Russia 

 could do nothing, without the as- 

 listancc of Prussia and of Austria ; 

 and of either of these he sa\v no 

 hope uhatever. As to Prussia, he 

 thought there was more reason ra- 

 ther for fear than hope ; and if 

 Austria were to raovc, the experi- 

 ence of the past aitorded ground to 

 apprehend the result would he. that 

 she would ba obliged to submit to 

 •whatever terms the enemy should 

 dictate. If Austria chose the aUer- 

 paive of holding; oat to the last, 

 there would be danger of the total 

 extinction of the second power in 

 Europe; and, if she chose the other 

 more probable alternative, of treat- 

 ing for peace, we should then be 

 driven, after all our efforts and cx- 

 pencc, either to make a separate 

 peace, or carry on a defensive war. 

 If a well connected alliance could 

 be formed with Russia, Austria, 

 Prus'-ia, and the other powers of 

 Europe, it would afford hopes, that 

 we might obtain reasonable tcnus of 

 peace : but in any other sort of al- 

 liance, he could see no hopes what- 

 ever. His opinion was, that instead 

 of declinins^ to treat, we should 

 have offered to France reasonable 

 terms of peace. If they were ac- 

 cepted, a great object would be 

 gained ; and if rejected, the more 

 reasonable they were, the more 

 would it tend to rouze all Europe 

 •gainst her. 



The Chancellor of the Exchequer 

 thought it a strange sort of reason- 

 ing, that no concert should been- 

 tered into, for fear it should make 

 raatters worse. Were we to wait till 

 all the power of resistance was gone? 

 W we were at peace with the conn- 

 try, and endeavoured to excite other 

 powers against it, we should deserre 



the odious character of being the 

 disturbers of Europe ; but, whca 

 unjustly attacked, he saw no odium 

 attached to the attempt of calling 

 other powers to our assistance, and 

 particularly iu the present case, 

 when our interest, and that of th© 

 continent, was so closely connected, 

 that the security of both, in a great 

 measure, depended on their co- 

 operation. There were some 

 points in the honourable gentle- 

 man's speech, to which, were he at 

 liberty to do so, he might give a 

 satisfactory answer; but he had no 

 hesitation in saying, that if the ina- 

 bility of other powers to make war 

 arose from deficiencies of finance, 

 it was oi:r duty and interest not to 

 withhold those means from them.— 

 After some further conversation, 

 the motion was agreed to. 



The Chancellor.of the Exchequer 

 afterwards moved, " that the sunt 

 " of 3,000/. per annum be granted 

 " to the duke of Athol, as a com- 

 " pensation for the royalties, re- 

 " venues, &c. &c. formerly possess- 

 " ed by his family in the Isle of 

 " Man, the one-fourth of the pre- 

 " sent estimate of the revenues of 

 " the island," Avhich, after a short 

 debate, was agreed to. 



On the 25th of June, Mr Paull, 

 after commenting on the difficulties 

 he had to encounter, in urging grave 

 matters of charge against the mar- 

 quis Wellesley, governor general 

 of India, observed that, notwith- 

 standing its brilliancy the house 

 must have perceived, during the ad- 

 ministration of that nobleman, that 

 India was deluged with blood, its 

 princes dethroned, its ancient fami- 

 lies ruined, and the spoils of our 

 nearest allies added to the resources 

 of the company. In order to elu- 

 cidate an^ prove the facts he had 

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