14 
ministration which must have borne 
the blame. Hewas an advocate for 
such a state of preparation as would 
always leave us at liberty to put for- 
ward such 4 degree of strength and 
energy, as would now, and at allt times, 
be sufficient to check all the hostile 
designs of the French government. 
Lord Hawkesbury observed, that 
although the address appeared to be 
unanimously approved of, yet the 
grounds upon which different gentle- 
men supported it were very different. 
He could not agree entirely with 
what had fallen from either the hon. 
gentleman (Mr. Fox), or the right 
honourable gentleman( Mr Canning) 
who had just sat down. He himself 
had said on the conclusion of peace, 
thatit was right to close the accounts 
of war; but that still they must 
look forward with a watchful jea- 
lousy to prevent any future en- 
croachments on the part of France. 
The right hon. gentleman (Mr. Can- 
ning) who was not present at the 
discussion of the preliminary and 
definitive treaties, had certainly mis- 
conceived the grounds on which 
they had been defended by his ma- 
jesty’s ministers. His supposition 
that ministers had relinquished the 
system, upon which they concluded 
that treaty, was founded upon a mis- ” 
conception. ‘The principle that was 
avowed and acted upon at the late 
treaty, was what would govern his 
majesty’s ministers now, and for the 
future. It was this, that as far as 
respected merely the interests of this 
country, the peace was made on 
honourable terms; inasmuch as the 
integrity of the British dominions 
"was preserved: but as to the conti- 
nent, it was allowed to be unsatis- 
factory ; which was regretted in 
terms still stronger than had been 
ANNUAL REGISTER, 
1803. 
used to-night. The principle of 
concluding this peace then was this, 
that it was better to take the chance 
of peace than the chance of war, 
for objects merely continental, un- 
less we had the support of the con- 
tinental powers. This was the prin- 
ciple upon whieh his majesty’s mi- 
nisters had acted, on which they 
now act, and on which they would 
always be ready to act in future, and 
to justify themselves. The right 
hon. gentleman had misunderstood 
him, when he supposed that he had 
ever wished that this country should 
abstract itself from the politics of 
the rest of Europe. It was impos 
sible that a country connected as 
this was by commerce, with the 
interests of all other nations, should 
ever feel indifferent to what befel 
these other nations: we could not 
seperate the politics of this country, 
from the politics of Europe. Among 
nations, as well as individuals, those 
who are great and powerful, have 
interests to attend to, beyond the 
mere preservation of their existence. 
The protection of those who are 
weaker, is not only a duty, but it is 
among the most important of their 
interests. The extent however to 
which this principle was to be car- 
ried, depended on the existing cir- 
cumstances, and was regulated in 
a great measure, by expediency. 
This had been always attended to 
in the consideration of the line of 
conduct, which this country should 
pursue. When Poland was blotted 
out of the map of the world as an 
independant nation; it was expedi- 
ency alone, which prevented our 
interference. There was no British 
sovereign, who ever felt a stronger 
desire to limit the power of France 
upon the continent, than William 
thea 
