article in question to his majesty’s at- 
torney-general, for his opinion, 
whether it is or is not a libel, ac- 
cording to the construction of the 
Jaw of England, and whether it is 
such a libel as he would, under all 
the circumstances, recommend for 
prosecution. As soon as I receive 
his report, [ shall have the honour 
of communicating it to you. 
-I have the honour to be, &c. 
(Signed) Hawkesbury. 
No. 12. 
Note from M. Otto to Lord Hazwkes- 
bury, dated August 17, 1802. 
The undersigned minister pleni- 
potentiary of the French republic, 
having submitted to his government 
the letter which his excellency Jord 
‘Hawkesbury, minister and principal 
‘Secretary of state of his Britannic 
majesty, did him the honour of 
writing, under date of 27th July, is 
directed to offer the following ob- 
servations : 
If the British government tole- 
_ rates censuvres upon the acts of its 
administration, and the personal 
abuse of the most respectable men, 
it does not suffer even the slightest 
attempt against the public tranquil- 
lity, the fundamental laws of the 
empire, and supreme authority 
_ which arises from them. —Every 
nation is, moreover, at liberty to 
pine any advantage whatever in 
its interior, in order to obtain ano- 
ther to which it attaches a higher 
value; but the government which 
_ does not repress the licentiousness 
_ of the press, when it may be injuri- 
ous to the honour or the interests 
‘d foreign powers, would afford an 
_ Opportunity to libellists to endanger 
the public tranquillity, or, at least, 
- the good understanding that forms 
_ the basis of it; and whenever-such 
STATE PAPERS. 
661 
serious injuries are continued in a 
regular and systematic manner, 
doubts must arise as to its own 
dispositions. 
‘The particular laws and constitu- 
tion of Great Britain are subordi- 
nate to the general principles of the 
law of nations, which supersede the 
laws of each individual state. If it 
bea right in England to allow the 
most extensive liberty to the press, 
it is a public right of polished na- 
tions, and the bounden duty of go- 
vernments, to prevent, repress, and 
punish, every attack which might, 
by those means, be made against the 
rights, the interests, and the honour 
of foreign powers. 
This general maxim of the law of 
nations has never been mistaken with- 
out paving the way for the greatest 
divisions, and has even furnished, 
in England, a plausible pretext to 
those who have written volumes to 
prove the necessity of the last war 
against France. Are these men now 
desirous of presenting to the consu- 
lar government, a weapon which 
they | have wielded with so much ad- 
dress? and can they flatter them- 
selves that the authority which has 
signed the peace has not power to 
maintain it ? 
By the first article of the treaty 
of Amiens, the two powers agree 
to afford no protection, either di-' 
reétly or indireétly, to those who 
should cause prejudice to any of 
them. 
»But the greatest of all injuries, 
doubtless, is that which tends to 
debase a foreign government, or to 
excite, within its territory, civil and 
religions commotions ; and the most 
decided of all protections, is that, 
which places’ under the safeguard of 
the laws, men who seek not only 
to disturb the political tranquillity 
Uus3 of 
