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‘STATE PAPERS. 
tions destined for the colonies, and 
consisting only of one or two line of 
battle ships, and a few frigates. On 
the other hand, let him look at the 
ports of England, filled with a for- 
midable naval force; on such a re- 
view, one could be tempted to be- 
lieve that the message of the king of 
England was mere irony, if such a 
farce were not unworthy the majesty 
of a government. If one considers 
the influence of factions in so free a 
country, one might suppose that the 
king of England had only had the 
weakness to yield, if weakness were 
compatible with the first quality of a 
king. In short, no rational motives 
femain to which it can be ascribed, 
except bad faith—except a sworn 
enmity to the French nation—ex- 
cept perfidy, and the desire of 
- openly breaking a solemn treaty, for 
penty ng y 
the sake of advantages which will be 
maintained, and the sacrifice of 
which the honour of France and 
the faith of treaties forbid. 
When a man reads this message, 
he thinks himself transported to the 
times of those treaties which the 
Vandals made with the degenerate 
Romans, when force usurped the 
place of right, and when, with a 
hasty appeal to arms, they insulted 
the aatagonist they meant to attack. 
In the present state of civilization, 
there is a respeét which a great mo- 
narch, which a polished people owe 
to themselves, were that respect no 
more than to seck a plausible pre- 
text for an unjust war. But in this 
instance every thing is precipitate, 
and repugnant to decency and to 
justice. An eternal war would suc- 
ceed a dreadful contest; and the 
more unjust the attack, the more ir- 
reconcileable would be its animo- 
sity. 
~ Such a novelty will doubtless ex- 
763 
cite'the disapprobation of Europe. 
While even the English, whose na- 
tional pride had not entirely blinded 
them, sighed at this prospeét, did the 
Times call the peace of Amiens an 
armistice, and, in doing so, passed 
the severest satire on the government 
it defended ; and the rapid fall of the 
national funds is the first prelude to 
the misfortunes which may follow 
as the revenge due for the wound 
given to all social rights. 
The French are less intimidated 
than irritated by the threats of Eng- 
land. ‘They have neither been dis- 
pirited by their reverses, nor elated 
by their victories ; in a war to which 
there appeared no termination, they 
saw all Kurope confederated against 
them. Their constancy, their cou- 
rage, and the prompt aétivity of 
their government, brought it to a 
conclusion, J'his war would havea 
different obje¢t. France would con- 
tend for the liberty of the states of 
Europe, and the sacredness of their 
treaties ; and if the English govern- 
ment be determined to make it a na~ 
tional war, perhaps her boasted for- 
midable naval strength would not be 
sufficient to decide the result, and to 
secure the victory. 
The French, strong in the justice | 
of their cause, and in the confidence 
they repose in their government, do 
not dread the new expences and 
new sacrifices which such a war 
might render necessary. ‘Their sys- 
tem of finance is more simple and 
less artificial than that of London, 
and so much the more solid, It all 
lies in their soil and in their cou- 
rage. 
On the first news of the English 
message, all eyes were turned to the 
cabinet of the Thuilleries. Its most 
trifling motions received a charaéter 
of importance, its most unpremedi- 
tated 
