HISTORY OF EUROPE. 
yernment, to the power and in- 
fluence of the crown, it is sufficient 
to remark that government with us 
is always a party, that every place- 
man either gives up his opinion to 
the government or resigns- his 
office. But, ifevery placeman, what- 
ever be his private opinions, votes 
upon every question, as if hehad no 
Opinion but that of the govern. 
ment, how can any opposition to the 
Th, 
measures of government be effectual, 
_or have even the remotest chance 
- certain fundamental 
or slightest possibility of suc¢cess, 
unless they who disapprove of 
the general conduct of the govern- 
ment, combine together on a similar 
ptinciple, and while they agree on 
tenets, make 
mutual concessions of opinion 
on subordinate questions. If such 
a party is formed for the mere pur- 
pose of forcing itself into place, it 
degenerates intoa miserable faction ; 
but, when founded on public prin- 
ciples, it has been found by expe- 
rience, to be the safeguard and de. 
fence of our rights and liberties. 
While, however, we are of opi- 
nion, that without party the power 
of the crown, which nominates di- 
rectly or indirectly to all the offices 
of the government, would be abso. 
if lute and irresistible ; and that the 
_ coalition of parties is to be justified 
on the same ground on which party 
itself is to be vindicated ; we admit, 
that great cantion and deliberation 
Ought to be used, before resolving 
on any particular coalition. The 
leader of a party has no means of 
_ fesisting the weighty arguments and 
Substantial logic of the treasury, 
butthrough the opinion, which his 
friends and the country entertain of 
his virtues and integrity. He had 
better, therefore, remain in oppo- 
37 
sition, at the head of a small party 
devoted to his cause, than obtaima 
temporary victory over his oppo-~ 
nents at the hazard of alienating 
and offending his friends, or of ap- 
pearing to,the country to have de. 
serted the principles, which he has 
professed. itis at the same time 
true, that the publicis often un- 
reasonably fastidious with respect 
to coalitions of parties. From 
the severity of its judgments on 
that subject, men should seem to 
haveforgotten, that there has been 
no strong or popular government 
in England since the revolution, in 
which individuals of the most oppo- 
site principles and most obnoxious 
characters have not been included, 
In so much, that we might be tempt- 
ed to conclude from the frequency 
of coalitions among English parties, 
thatit is to that cause, that party 
divisions are marked with less invete-. 
racy in England, and attended with 
less danger to the public safety and 
tranquillity, than in any other free 
country with the history of which 
we are acquainted. 
These general remarks, into 
which we have been led on parties 
and coalitions, apply not, however, 
to the case before us. None of 
the inconveniences,to which we have 
alluded in the last paragraph, were 
‘to be apprehended in the first in- 
stance from the coalition between 
Mr. Fox and lord Grenville; though 
a sagacious observer might have 
foreseen, that, if Mr. Fox de. 
layed long the execution of his 
plans of reform, or failed in his ne- 
gotiation for peace, many of. his 
adherents would abandon his party, 
and set up a separate standard 
for themselves ; and on the other 
hand, it might have been safely fore- 
D3 told, 
