_ 
712 
country, and are adapted to our 
state of war. Consequently a truce 
of two or three years would be the 
thing of all others the most opposite 
to our commercial interests, and to 
the emperor’s policy. 
As to the intervention of a fo» 
reign power, the emperor might ac- 
cept the mediation of a power pos- 
sessing a great naval force, because, 
in that case, the participation of 
Such power in the peace would be 
regulated by the same interests that 
we have to discuss with you; but 
the mediation you speak ofis not of 
this nature. You do not wish to 
deceive us: and you are well aware 
there is no equality betwixt us in 
the guaranty of a power which has 
three hundred thousand men on 
foot, and which has no naval force. 
For the rest, sir, your comminica- 
tion has acharacter of openness, and 
precision, which we have hitherto 
never seen in the communications 
between your court and us. I will 
make it my duty to employ the 
same openness, and the same preci- 
sion, inmy reply. We are ready 
to make peace with the whole 
world! We wish to dictate to no 
one! But we will not be dictated 
to ; and uo one possesses either the 
power or the means of doing it. It 
is in the power of none to make us 
relinquish treaties which are already 
carried into effect. The integrity 
and the complete and absolute inde- 
_ pendence of the Ottoman empire, 
form not only the sincerest desire 
of the emperor, but constitute also 
the undeviating object of his po- 
licy. 
Two enlightened and neighbour- 
ing nations would be wanting in the 
opinion they ought to entertain of 
their power and wisdom, should 
they call for the intervention of fo- 
ANNUAL REGISTER, 1806. 
reign and distant powers in the dis- 
cussions of the great interests which 
divide them: thus, sir, peace may 
be treated upon and concludéd im-. 
mediately, if your court really en. 
tertains the desire of attaining it. 
Our interests are reconcileable,in- 
asmuch as they are distinct. You 
are the rulers of the ocean: your 
naval forces are equal to those of 
all the sovereigns of the world 
united, We area great continental 
power: but there are many who 
equal our power by land; and your 
maritime preponderance will always 
place our commerce at the mercy 
of your squadrons, immediately af- 
ter your declaring war. Do you 
think it reasonable to expect that 
the emperor should ever consent to 
submit himself to your discretion in 
continental affairs also? If, mas- 
ters of the sea through your own 
power, you propose being masters 
of the land likewise by a combined 
force, peace is impossible; for, in 
that case, you will be striving for an 
object which you can never attain. 
The emperor, accustomed as he is 
to encounter every risk, which 
holds out the prospect of greatness 
and of glory, wishes for peace with 
England—he is a man—after so 
many fatigues he is desirous of re- 
pose—the father of his subjects, he 
wishes, as far as it is compatible 
with their honour and with security 
for the future, to procure for them 
the blessings of peace, and the ad- 
vantages of a successful and uninter- 
rupted commerce. 
If then, sir, his majesty the king 
of England really wishes for peace 
with France, he will appoint a ple- 
nipotentiary to repair to Lisle. I 
have the honour of sending you 
passports for this purpose. Assoon 
as the emperor shall be informed of 
the 
