GENERAL HISTORY. 



[53 



puties, and by it the property of 

 Scotland was therefore put into 

 unsafe hands. He made other ob- 

 jections to the bill ; and said, that 

 if it should pass into a law, it would 

 cause the greatest confusion in 

 Scotland, and strike the whole 

 people with immeasurable astonish- 

 iQent. 



Mr. Lyttelton made some sar- 

 castic observations on the attach- 

 ment to emolument avowed by the 

 last speaker, and said that he was 

 fully convinced that the true reason 

 why the influence of the aristo- 

 cracy was so debased, was, because 

 these places had been continued. 

 He gave his opinion that there was 

 never a fitter time for wresting this 

 power of augmenting influence 

 from the hands of the crown, 

 when it was known that there pre- 

 vailed in the court a base system of 

 unprincipled favouritism — when it 

 was notorious that the Regent was 

 surrounded and hemmed in with 

 minions, among whom, if there 

 was a man of note or talent, there 

 certainly was not one of any 

 character. 



Mr. Courtenay attempted to 

 shew that the proposed bill, instead 

 of being a measure of economy, 

 would be one of profuseness, and 

 would tend to increase the im- 

 proper influence of the crown. He 

 objected to the whole principle 

 upon which the pensions, which 

 were to be substituted for the sine- 

 cures, were grounded. Under the 

 bill, they would be given to those 

 who ought not to have them, and 

 withholden from those on whom 

 they ought to be conferred. There 

 would be no other test of merit in 

 behtowing rewards, than having 

 possessed a place. He observed. 



also, that it was contrary to all 

 parliamentary practice to interfere 

 with offices appertaining to the 

 hereditary revenue of the crown, 

 without the consent of the crown 

 previously signified. 



Lord A. Hamilton urged in sup- 

 port of the bill, the disappointment 

 which would be felt by the people 

 at large, if, after the expectations 

 held out to them, some measure 

 of the kind were not adopted. 



Mr. Bastard took the same 

 ground, and dwelt upon the griev- 

 ous burdens under which almost 

 all classes were now suftering. He 

 could have wished that every sepa- 

 rate office had been put to the vote, 

 and a bill prepared conformably to 

 that decision. It was at least in- 

 cumbent on those who talked of 

 the necessity of remuneration, to 

 shew the reality of the service. He 

 was convinced it would be difficult 

 to point out ten in the whole list 

 that partook of this character. The 

 public money was too often given, 

 rather as a consideration for accept- 

 ing office, than for the services 

 performed in it. 



The Chancellor of the Exche- 

 quer said, that he felt himself 

 bound to state his objections to the 

 bill, both in its details and prin- 

 ciple. In considering the former, 

 he mentioned several instances in 

 which its provisions were either 

 inconsistent or unjust. With re- 

 spect to the principle, his opinion 

 still was that it was perfectly wrong 

 and mistaken. It went to say that 

 the crown should not have the 

 power of securing for its service 

 men whom it might judge to be 

 the most capable, if they happened 

 not to be in a situation to resign 

 all other pursuits in order to enter 



into 



