666 



ANNUAL REGISTER, 1809. 



and that the portion exported to 

 countries above enumerated, falls 

 short of seven millions ; an amount 

 too inconsiderable, when compared 

 with the bulk of our exports, to de- 

 serve attention, even if a question 

 affecting the independence of the 

 nation was to be decided by consi- 

 derations of immediate profit. 



But the true effect of the propo- 

 sition would be to open an indirect 

 trade with Great Britain, which, 

 through St. Batholomew and Ha- 

 vannah, Lisbon, Cadiz or Gotten- 

 burgh, would receive, at prices re- 

 duced by glutted markets, and for 

 want of competition, all the provi- 

 sions, naval stores, raw materials 

 for her manufactures, and other ar- 

 ticles which she may want. Whe- 

 ther she would be satisfied ivith that 

 favourable state of things, or whe- 

 ther, considering that boon as a 

 pledge of unqualified submission, 

 slie would, according to the tenor 

 of her orders, interrupt our scanty 

 commerce with Russia, and occasi- 

 onally under some new pretext, cap- 

 ture rather than purchase the car- 

 goes intended for her own use, is 

 equally uncertain and unimportant. 

 Nor can it be doubted that a mea- 

 sure which would supply, exclusive- 

 ly, one of the belligerents, would 

 be war with the other. Considered 

 merely as a question of profit, it 

 would be much more eligible, at 

 once to raise the embargo in rela- 

 tion to Great Britain, as we would 

 then, at least, have the advantages 

 of a direct market with the consu- 

 mer. But the proposition can only 

 be defended on the ground that 

 France is the only aggressor, and 

 that having no just reason to com- 

 plain of England, it is our duty to 

 submit to her orders. On that in- 

 admissible supposition, it would not 



only be more candid, but also more 

 dignified, as well as a more advan- 

 tageous course, openly to join Eng- 

 land and to make war against 

 France. Thecbjectwouldbeclearly 

 understood, an ally would be ob- 

 tained, and the meanness of sub- 

 mission might be better palliated. 



It appears unnecessary to pursue 

 any further the examination of pro- 

 positions, which the difficult situa- 

 tion of the United States could 

 alone have suggested, and which 

 will prove more inadmissible, or 

 impracticable, as the subject is 

 more thoroughly investigated. The 

 alternative is painful ; it is betiveen 

 a continual suspension of commerce 

 and war with both England and 

 France. But the choice must ulti- 

 mately be made between the two ; 

 and it is important that we should 

 be prepared for either the one or 

 the other. 



The aggressions of England and 

 France, collectively affectingalmost 

 the whole of our commerce, and 

 persisted in notwithstanding repeat- 

 ed remonstrances, explanations, and 

 propositions the most candid and 

 unexceptionable, are to all intents 

 and purposes, a maritime war wag- 

 edby both nations against the Unit- 

 ed States. It cannot be denied, that 

 the ultimate and only effectual mode 

 of resisting that warfare, if persist- 

 ed in, is war. A permanent sus- 

 pension of commerce, after repeat- 

 ed and unavailing efforts to obtain 

 peace, would not properly be resist- 

 ance : it would be withdrawing from 

 the contest, and abandoning our in- 

 disputable right freely to navigate 

 the ocean. The present unsettled 

 state of the world, the extraordi- 

 nary situation in which the United 

 States are placed, and the necessity, 

 if war be resorted to, of making it 



at 



