HISTORY OF EUROPE. 



115 



alone, and not in a number of 

 huge volumes by themselves, tliey 

 produce an effect on the public 

 mind. 



On the other hand, there does 

 not seem to be any other method 

 of securing that impartiality and 

 fidelity which Mr. Wallace and 

 Mr. Worthy, and no doubt the 

 othermemberSjSO naturally wished 

 to be established. But, again, if 

 (Strangers should be excluded from 

 the sittings of parliament, which 

 is scarcely, after so long a con- 

 •nivance, to be thought of by the 

 members, and certainly not to be 

 ai>proved of by the public, tbp po- 

 pular part of the Constitution 

 would receive a deep, and, too 

 probably, a fatal wound. It is the 

 liberty of the press, and particu- 

 Jariythat of publishing what passes 

 in parliament, that forms the 

 great counterpoise to the influ- 

 ence of the crown, increased and 

 filill increasing, (not to say any 



thing of growing luxury and cor- 

 ruption) throughthegreatness and 

 prosperity of the empire. — It is 

 observed, by an eminent French 

 writer*, " that examples never 

 go out in the same way by which 

 they came." When the House of 

 Commons first connived at the in- 

 troduction of booksellers, or their 

 reporters, into the gallery, they 

 were little aware of the conse- 

 quences that were to follow this 

 indulgence. The whole of these 

 consequences have not, by any 

 means, become apparent : a kind 

 of satellites have fastened them- 

 selves on parliament, whom it is 

 irksome and grievous to endure, 

 but whom it would be dangerous, 

 in different respects, altogether to 

 exclude. It is a case of great em- 

 barrassment; and in all likelihood 

 will be more and more felt to be 

 so. The whole result of this new 

 order, or power in the state, is by 

 no means yet unfolded. 



* Amelotitle la Housseil, 



1 2 



