260 



ANNUAL REGISTER, 1810. 



of her arms. If superior force be 

 admitted as a just title in one 

 instance, why not in the other? 

 Powers at land maintain their do- 

 minion by armies and fortifica- 

 tions : maritime powers theirs, 

 by sailors, marines, and floating 

 batteries. But the Americans, 

 instead of fitting out fleets, 

 choose to appeal to natural law— 

 the principles of morality. This, 

 in truth, is nugatory, and almost 

 ridiculous. The purest code of 

 abstract political justice could not 

 be adopted by one, unless all 

 nations would do the same. 



If the general question of the 

 true right to dominion should be 

 submitted to the decision of uni- 

 versities, or a general council of 

 divines, what other foundation 

 could be rested on, even if there 

 were a tribunal between nations 

 for enforcing their dictates, with- 

 out turning the world upside 

 down, than occupancy ? 



At the period of the treaty of 

 Europe, and down to the French 

 revolution, the rights of neutral 

 states were respected. Europe was 

 divided into many independent 

 states, and the re-action of these 

 on one another contributed to the 

 permanency of the great European 

 republic. And it was sound po- 

 litical wisdom to protect the in- 

 dependence of the smaller states 

 against such overbearing ambi- 

 tion as that of France. But the 

 balance of power in Europe has 

 been overthrown. The indepen- 

 dence of neutrals is lost. All are 

 formally united, or virtually go- 

 verned by France. In such a new 

 state of affairs. Great Britain could 

 not admit the unlimited freedom 

 of neutrals, without swelling the 

 power of France, and undermining 



the main props of her own stability 

 and greatness. In former limes, to 

 protect the flag of the weaker 

 against the stronger stages was 

 equally the interest and the glory 

 of England. The absolute free- 

 dom of the seas to neutrals, in the 

 present times, would bethefarther 

 exaltation of France, and, ulti- 

 mately, the downfall and ruin of 

 the British United Kingdoms. 



In such a conflict, as that which 

 exists at present between Great 

 Britain and the United States, the 

 parties with the smallest capital, 

 and the fewest channels of indus- 

 try and enterprise, must, for a 

 time at least, be the greatest suf- 

 ferers. And we might, perhaps, 

 safely leave it to time and expe- 

 rience, whatever there may be of 

 unfriendliness, jealousy, or aspe- 

 rity, arising from any other cause, 

 in the demeanour of our Ameri- 

 can brethren. If the unseemly po- 

 licy of restrictions, embargoes,and 

 commercial hostility be persevered 

 in, a commercial intercourse with 

 America is not so essentially ne- 

 cessary to Great Britain as to ren- 

 der it advisable to purchase it by 

 the sacrifice of any other branch 

 of our national policy. 



It is certain, that before the cap- 

 ture of all ihe enemy's colonies, 

 when he had less access than at 

 present to Spanish America, and 

 before the general maritime com- 

 merce of the United States became 

 circumscribed by the measures 

 adopted by them in 1807, their 

 markets were of very great im- 

 portance to the British trade, both 

 for the sale of a large proportion 

 ofBritishmanufactures,andforthe 

 purchase of manynecessaryarticles 

 of supply for our own consump- 

 tion, which could not then be pro* 



