HOPI KATCINA ALTARS—FEWKES 477 
ably adopted, but in secret rites all three are employed.* The rep- 
resentations on the Katcina altars at Cipaulovi and Walpi are 
limited to the third method; those at Miconinovi and Oraibi include 
likewise the second. 
There is no need of going into detail regarding the meanings of 
the symbols of the third method of representation as used on Kat- 
cina altars. The simplicity of this method, here applied, is apparent, 
and the symbols are those of rain eas lightning, and corn in 
various stages of growth. 
A discussion of the second method, or representation by images 
and what they mean when used on Katcina altars, will bring out 
several points of interest. These images, commonly called idols,“ 
occur on the Katcina altars of Oraibi and Miconinovi and represent 
the same conceptions as the symbols. The idol with the rain-cloud 
coronet is a representation of a corn-rain supernatural personage 
who has many names and appears in ceremonials both public and 
secret of many different priesthoods. In the ceremony called the 
Lalakontu she is either personated by women in the public dance 
or represented by images on the altar and is called Lakonemana 
(Lakone Maid). In the October ceremony, called Mamzrauti, she 
is likewise represented by the first and second methods,’* and is 
called Mamzraumana.*® The same is true of the Owakulti, still 
performed at Oraibi, although extinct at Walpi, where she is known 
as Owalkulmana. 
During the dramatization in the Antelope kiva of the Snake 
Ceremonials at Walpi she is personated by a maid called the Tcua- 
mana ‘7 (Snake Maid) and no effigy of her is employed in this archaic 
ceremony. The Flute Society represent her in their rites in both the 
first and second ways, with two girls in the public dance, and images 
on the altars in the secret observances, where she is called Lenya- 
18 In other secret rites, not considered in this article, the first method is employed as ir 
Powamu. Personifications in public dances are ordinarily masked, and as a rule Katcinas 
doff their masks when they dance in kivas. In certain instances, however, the mask is 
worn in kiya ceremonials. 
14] regard them as complicated symbols, not intrinsically objects of worship. 
15 In the public dance she is represented by a girl, but there is a beautiful instance in 
this ceremony where the third method is substituted for the first in the public dance. 
For some reason unknown to me, in the 1891 exhibit at Walpi no girl performed this 
part, but her place was taken by a participant in the dance who bore in her hands a flat 
board with a picture of the Germ Maid (see Mamzrauti, Amer. Anthrop., Vol. V, No. 3, 
1892, Pl. IV, figs. 9,10). The picture, not the bearer, represented the Germ Maid. It is 
a remarkable confirmation of my theory that Mamzraumana is the same personation as 
Calakomana; that this picture is identical in symbolism with pictures of the latter, and 
was so called by the priests. Comparing the picture Mamzraumana on the Mamzrau altar 
and of the same on this tablet we see differences in old and new Hopi art. The picture 
publicly exhibited conforms to modern conception of ber symbolism, as shown in dolls, 
etc.; that on the altar, which the uninitiated can not see, is the older form, before inno- 
vations and modifications. 
16 Amer, Anthrop., Vol. V, No. 3, 1892. 
17 Journ, Amer. Ethnol. and Archeol., Vol. IV. 
208387—27——32 
