484 ANNUAL REPORT SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION, 1926 
the maskette and apparel of the female Humis, approached the kiva 
entrance.** Then came personifications of Ana, Hehea, and two 
Tacab Katcinas. Following these were three lame Howaik Katcinas, 
masked as their predecessors, and clearly designated by appropriate 
symbolism. | 
At each new arrival the priests in the kiva responded, emerged 
from their room, and treated these visitors as they had their leader, 
Hahaiwudqti. 
As the masked personages left the village they passed westward.** 
When the priests had retired to their kiva for the last time they 
smoked on the presents left by their strange visitors, and the chief 
divided the gift EKototo had brought into 10 bundles, and gave one 
package to each Powamu priest. Then followed minor events, as 
taking down the altar, which do not now concern us. The departure 
of Hahaiwuqti and her band closed the main ceremony.*® 
It certainly seems legitimate to conclude that this acme of the 
Powamu is a dramatic representation embodying the aim of the 
whole ceremony. It is a visit of Hahaiwuqti in her disguise as 
known to Katcinas, followed by her children bringing gifts and 
receiving prayers. What other prayers are more appropriate to 
Hahaiwuqti than petitions for abundant crops, or what gifts more 
desirable than those Kototo** gave in a symbolic way, viz: water 
and sprouting vegetation? The rejuvenescence of nature is always 
to a primitive mind akin to sorcery, and believed to be brought about 
by the sorcerer’s arts, and hence this ceremony takes place in the 
Powako-muyamuh, or Wizard Moon, which gives it its name by 
syncopation, Powamu.*’ 
33 From the belts of Humis the priests took a sprig of spruce. This is only customary 
after the Humis Katcina dance. (Journ. Amer. Ethnol. and Archeol., Vol. II, No. 1.) 
The Humis (humita, corn) wear terraced (rain cloud) tablets on the mask. (Journ. 
Amer. Ethnol. and Archsol., Vol. II, No. 1.) 
% For symbolism of their masks and dress see Journ. Amer. Ethnol. and Archeol., Vol. 
II., No. 1; Int. Archiv fiir Ethnog., Band VII. Ana wears a ong beard and is therefore 
called the bearded Katcina. Hehea has zigzag marks on the cheeks. The symbolism of 
Tacab variea considerably, but is readily recognized. 
3% A Hopi prayer combines two elements of ceremony—prayer proper and sacrifice, the 
former spoken or not, the latter always expressed by symbols. As they are an agricultural 
people, their aboriginal wealth is an agricultural product, as corn. Their poverty of corn 
and the requirement of their ritual necessitated sacrifices of meal, a highly practical substi- 
tution. So likewise tobacco smoke is a sacrifice, the burning of rare herbs, or the pine 
needles in the ‘‘ New Fire’’ ceremony. 
The act of sacrificing animals or human beings is not a part of their present ritual, but 
a knowledge of its efficacy exists. They have legends of human sacrifice on rare occasions 
in the past. The killing of an animal and smearing the body of the man representing 
Masawuh with its blood, at the time of Lieutenant Brett’s visit to Oraibi in 1891, is an 
instance of animal sacrifice. Several survivals of animal sacrifices in warrior ceremonies 
might be quoted from legends. 
6 Kototo is believed to be a god of metamorphism, or growth, intimately associated with 
germination, a sacerdotal equivalent of Masauwuh, as far as these functions are concerned. 
37] have elsewhere called Powamu a purification ceremony or lustral observance, which 
it is in certain particulars, but I am now convinced that its main object is to further the 
fructification of vegetation. 
