888 GENERAL FARM PROGRAM 



before you, another angle; that is, the consumer's view of a long-term 

 program for agriculture, because, Mr. Chairman, I would like to re- 

 mind you that though there may be 20,000,000 people on farms, that 

 includes children, and I think the balance of political power — I don't 

 know anything about politics, but certainly a very important part of 

 the political view in the United States is the 11,300,000 people which 

 the Social Security Agency says will be over 65 years of age next year. 



The farmers cannot write the farm program for America any more 

 than organized labor can write all of the labor laws. They have to 

 recognize, both farm.ers and labor, as I am. sure all Members of Con- 

 gress recognize, that the public interest is absolutely param.ount, and 

 you have to adjust the conflicting desires — -I won't say acquisitiveness, 

 because that sounds harsh, but at least the conflicting desires of 

 various groups of producers, because in the long run the consumption 

 is what is going to determine whether we are a prosperous country or 

 not. 



And I would like to make this point: Farmers have talked about 

 being independent of Government, but when they proposed the 

 McNary-Haugen bill, they scrapped that concept. I told George 

 Peak that and I told Chester Davis. They didn't believe it. Organ- 

 ized labor has had to get Government backing. In other words, both 

 farmers and labor cursed out organized capital to the queen's taste. 

 Then they turn around and say, "All right, we have got to do the 

 same thing." What we have to realize, and it isn't a pleasant prospect 

 is this: "When organized farmers and organized labor take Govern- 

 m.ent support as they are doing, either through a direct hand-out or 

 through Government intervention allowing collective bargaining 

 which may exclude the interest of the public entirely, they are going 

 to have to accept complete control by Government. When Govern- 

 ment underwrites people, the Government is going to tell them what 

 to do. We are in for a totalitarian government. I am not sure I am 

 going to like it, but before it is here full tilt, I will be buried, probably. 

 The fact remains that we have got to consider the general welfare, 

 and not that of any single class of producers. 



When I speak about presenting a consumer's program, I realize of 

 course, we are all consumers, but I think it is fair to say that those 

 who can be most correctly characterized or described as consumers 

 are these old folks. I am. not going to make a Townsend speech at 

 all, but try to give the facts. 



There are roughly 11)2 million people who cannot increase their 

 dollar income at all, or substantially so. Thej'' cannot earn much. 

 They have to live, and som.e of them will live quite a while. I don't 

 pretend to speak for them — I am. not authorized to, except to the 

 extent that a large proportion of the some 2,400 members of the 

 People's Lobby are 65 years of age and over. But I know a lot of 

 people of that age, and they arc terribly worried, and I was glad that 

 in his testimony the other day \lr. Goss, when he suggested an 

 advisory board in comiection with the farm program, included — I 

 think, perhaps it was in the second statement, if not in the first state- 

 ment — the suggestion that that board include four representatives of 

 consum.ers' organizations, which tends to equalize the representation. 



So I am just going to read, and I think there may be some questions, 

 the program from the consumers' standpoint, if you please, a con- 

 sum.er's program for agriculture. It is based, I will say frankly, 



