Memorandum as to the Evacuation of Egypt 407 



whatever steps her interests required. As regards Egyptian opinion, I be- 

 lieve that on the whole it would be not unfavourable to such a solution. 

 There is no love for the Turks among the fellahin, but the Sultan's au- 

 thority would be accepted by them as natural and legal, while it must be 

 remembered that the Khedivial rule is also Turkish. The Sultan, indeed, 

 might be expected to protect in some measure the Arabic-speaking popula- 

 tion against a renewal of oppression by the Turkish Circassian Pashas, 

 and, in any case, he would be jealous in their favour of European aggres- 

 sion. 



No administrative interference, however, need be conceded if the trans- 

 fer of military protection be made under agreement. It is probable that, if 

 the right claimed for England in the Wolff Convention of ultimate inter- 

 vention were withdrawn, France and Russia would not oppose such a 

 solution. 



(2) A better plan, if honestly attempted by England, and as honestly 

 accepted by the Powers, would be to re-establish the National Government 

 on liberal and progressive lines, under guarantee of neutrality. 



Although much time and opportunity have been wasted during our nine 

 years of occupation in repressing political life among the Egyptians, I am 

 still of opinion that something in the shape of Constitutional Government 

 would give them their best chance of permanent independence and progress 

 as a race. It must not be forgotten that in 1882 a Constitution on a Euro- 

 pean model (decree of March, 1882) was obtained by the Egyptian Na- 

 tional Party, which gave considerable promise of efficiency as a means of 

 asserting native right against both the Turkish ruling caste and the Euro- 

 pean colonists. If it had not been put down by England's armed interven- 

 tion, it would in all likelihood have given a new impulse of progress not 

 only to Egypt, but to the surrounding Mohammedan lands. I am of opin- 

 ion that even yet its restoration at Cairo would have this effect, and is not 

 impossible. The National Constitutional Party, though broken as an or- 

 ganization, exists in the individuals who composed it, and in younger men 

 of a new generation holding similar ideas. From among these a Ministry 

 could be formed to set the Constitutional machine in motion under sympa- 

 thetic English auspices, nor do I doubt that within a couple of years it 

 would be found competent to conduct the business of the country without 

 further military aid. It is by men of this party alone that Sir Evelyn 

 Baring's better work in Egypt is appreciated, and it is only to their hands 

 that the work of continuing it could be reasonably entrusted. 



Unfortunately for such a solution, the Constitutional idea finds many 

 adverse influences under present conditions. The Khedive and the Turk- 

 ish Party, which we have replaced in office, are wholly opposed to it. The 

 European officials representing financial interests consider any form of 

 popular government less manageable by them than the present absolute 

 regime. And Sir Evelyn Baring would as little approve. Lastly — and 

 this is perhaps the greatest obstacle — the French and foreign policy 

 generally in the East desires nothing so little as to see a genuine resuscita- 

 tion of political vitality among the native races. Under the present des- 

 potic yet feeble regime, France counts on succeeding England in controlling 



