1 9143 Tf^^ Ulster Problem 



by the manager, Mr. Sexton Payne, that home rule 

 would bring about a more tolerant and therefore a 

 more prosperous Ireland. The superior energy and 

 industrial organization of Belfast, he said, would 

 naturally tend to dominate, but each part would 

 draw strength from the other and each would be 

 weakened by separation. 



I also met Catholic priests and editors in Belfast Reason- 

 and Londonderry who were quite willing to consider ^'^'^^^^^„ 

 the Ulster standpoint and go to any reasonable 

 length in the way of guarantee against abuses by the 

 Catholic majority. As a matter of fact, the priests 

 generally disclaimed all desire to lead in politics 

 unless the necessity should be forced upon them; 

 and most intelligent men believed that under home 

 rule issues other than religious would soon arise to 

 divide the people. 



"Exclusion of Ulster," said a broad-minded Ulster- 

 man, W. A. Davey of the Ulster Guardian^ 



would not leave in Ireland any wholesome division of parties. 

 If the Ulster question did not exist, an anti-clerical party would 

 arise. A free Ireland will not be continuously divided between 

 Catholic and Protestant, Irishmen and Orangemen. Public 

 opinion is in favor of fair play. It is not well to divide a country 

 along partisan lines, to put all of one party off by themselves. 

 But with Ulster bent on having her way, there is no chance of 

 division among Catholics. 



Belfast officials, however, were nearly all hostile 

 to home rule. "We are not a bit afraid to fight, for 

 tyranny is worse than bloodshed." " It's hard to have 

 fought our way by constitutional methods and then 

 find them of no avail." The populace seemed still c 

 elated over the recent gun-running (April 24) on the 



n623 3 



un- 

 running 



