I9I73 IVar Aims of the United States 



nation's aims in Europe. Inasmuch as Congress 

 alone may declare war, many persons urged that 

 Congress had the right and duty to define its pur- 

 poses. So far its only pronouncement had been that 

 a state of war existed. 



The^ need of such a declaration I discussed with Av.^/or 

 seven influential Senators and eleven members of the ''''>«""*" 

 House, without, however, finding much unity of 

 opinion. Most of those consulted thought that a 

 joint resolution should be adopted; support of the 

 war was not in question, that being taken for granted, 

 but whether our main purpose was the redemption of 

 Belgium and France, cooperation with Great Britain, 

 suppression of the submarine campaign, or the over- 

 turn of autocracy, or part or all of these, there was 

 little consensus of opinion. 



At the request of some of the younger members New form 

 two meetings were held, one in the office of Randall "{/^f^^T'" 

 of California, the other in that of Burnett of Alabama, unswn 

 In these conferences I discussed certain phases of the 

 conflict, especially the relation of the Pangermanist 

 League to domination and aggression. I stressed also 

 my view that fear of the loss of power on the part of 

 the privileged classes is the heart of war making. 

 This is by no mxeans identical with "capitalistic 

 greed," though the two sometimes run in parallel 

 channels. The perennial world conflict is not between 

 French and German, or between one country and 

 another, but between imperialists who seek by force 

 to hold the world in order and democrats who by 

 personal freedom would keep society alive. 



Our gatherings were humorously called "Univer- 

 sity Extension in Congress," and those who attended, 

 about thirty in all, seemed to be edified. 



1 741 ;] 



