A HISTORY OF SUFFOLK 



North Sea hath dyed in grain ' ; the hard men, disciplined to coolness, resource, and endurance by 

 the ceaseless struggle with their dangerous servant were as valuable a national asset as their descendants 

 are to-day, and had no small share in winning that modern mastery of the sea for which the struggle 

 commenced with Elizabeth. 



Although several of the expeditions sailing to the north-east put into Orwell Haven, it was for 

 the purpose of communicating with Harwich, and they cannot be said to have had anything to do 

 with Suffolk. John Foxe of Woodbridge was a man of more than local reputation. He was 

 gunner of a Mediterranean merchantman which was taken in 1563 by a Turkish ship. 1 He 

 remained in slavery in Egypt until 1577, when, seeing his opportunity, he transfused some of his 

 own wary courage into 266 fellow-prisoners, killed the guards, seized a galley, and, with 258 

 survivors, escaped to freedom. 3 He tells the story himself with some touches of cynical humour ; 3 

 the pope rewarded him, Philip II gave him a warrant as a gunner in his service, and even Elizabeth 

 was stirred to award him a pension of a shilling a day 'in consideration of the valiantnes done in 

 Turkey.' 4 Robert Flicke was a Suffolk man favoured, as a commander, by the London merchants. 

 He was commodore of the London squadron of eleven ships with Drake in 1587, and perhaps 

 rear-admiral of the fleet. Flicke was probably a wealthy man, for he subscribed £1,000 towards 

 Drake's 1589 voyage to Portugal, and in 1591 he was selected to command a squadron of six 

 London merchantmen sent to reinforce Lord Thomas Howard at the Azores. William Parker of 

 Woodbridge and Thomas and John Gentleman of Southwold are mentioned in 1582 among the 

 masters of merchantmen available for service in the Navy. Edmund Barker of Ipswich was an officer 

 of Lancaster's flagship in the East Indian voyage of 1591, of which he wrote an account, 6 and a 

 monument in St. Clement's Church, Ipswich, tells us that Thomas Eldred of that town went 

 round the world with Cavendish. 



The spirit of the time worked in Suffolk as elsewhere. A letter was directed to the bailiff" of 

 Ipswich in 1573, as we " as to otner officials in the neighbourhood, informing them that the queen 

 would not tolerate the assemblies of men intending to go to sea in armed ships ; all preparations were 

 to cease except for service in Ireland. 6 The coast defences were neglected during the earlier part 

 of Elizabeth's reign ; but the Ridolfi conspiracy of 1 57 1, when there was some idea of landing 

 troops from the Low Countries at Harwich or Landguard, drew fresh attention to the port and it was 

 inspected, but nothing else was done. In June, 1578, Lord Darcy was directed to examine the defec- 

 tive fort 'beside Harwich,' which may mean Landguard, and in January, I 579-80, when the political 

 outlook became very threatening, another survey was ordered. At the same time Sir Robert Wing- 

 field was told to go to Aldeburgh, Dunwich, Southwold, and Lowestoft, where such guns as 

 remained lay dismounted and useless, and persuade the burgesses to replace them at their own 

 expense ; Aldeburgh, at least, was bound to do this by an agreement of 1569. 7 Later in the year 

 the justices of the county were directed to put the ordnance of the four towns in condition for 

 service. 8 Consideration was also given to the state of Harwich harbour, which was deteriorating 

 from several causes, one being the existence of a breach in Landguard through which the tide was 

 washing shingle from the north and east. The Ipswich people were considered responsible, but 

 answered that the breach was not within their liberties but within the freeholds of Mr. Fanshawe 

 and others. A commission of inquiry issued in 1582 to report on the harbour, 9 and the consequent 

 regulations ordered the bailiffs of Ipswich to repair the breach. Fanshawe denied responsibility, and 

 added that Landguard had only been used for drying fish within the last forty or fifty years. 10 The 

 deterioration and shoaling had probably been progressing for many years, for a commission of 1565 n 

 found that Ipswich, then, was ' not so much frequented as heretofore,' the reason being that nothing 

 of more than 60 tons could come above Downham Bridge. The effect of anything that stopped the 

 scour of the tide at the mouth would be felt even in the upper reaches of the river. 



The war with Spain caused some thought to be given to the defenceless state of the coast, but 

 the queen, as usual, tried to bargain with her subjects as to how much she and they should respec- 

 tively accomplish. Wingficld's mission of 1580 had probably proved fruitless, and now he and 

 others were 'to deal ' with the towns to induce them to contribute towards the repair and mounting 

 of guns belonging to the queen, which remained in an unserviceable state at Aldeburgh, Southwold, 

 and Lowestoft. 12 As these are the same towns that Wingfield visited in 1580, and as he was to per- 

 suade the people ' to better consideration and not be obstinate,' it may be presumed that they had 



1 There is an order of 8 July, 1557, to the Lord Admiral to deliver again to John Foxe of Aldeburgh his 

 ship, the Mary Fortune, recaptured from the French (S. P. Dom. Mary, xi, 23). 



' Eight men died of hunger on board the galley. * Halduyt, Voyages (ed. 1888), xi, 9. 



1 Pat. 28 Jan. 1580. 5 Hakluyt, Voyages (ed. 1888), xi, 272. 



6 Acts o/P.C. 14 June, 1573. 'Ibid. 27 Jan. 1579-80. 



8 S. P. Dom. Eliz. exxxvi, 11. 9 See V.C.H. Essex, ii, ' Maritime Hist.' 



10 S. P. Dom. Eliz. clix, 19 ; clx, 8, 9. " Exch. Spec. Com. 2124. 



" ActsofP.C. 17 May, 1586. 



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