MARITIME HISTORY 



proved obstinate in the former year. This time any who opposed him were to be reported to the 

 Council. Apparently little or nothing was done, because eighteen months later, in December, I 587, 

 when it was realized that the Armada was really coming, Captain Tumour was sent into Suffolk to 

 survey the defences, and the Aldeburgh burgesses petitioning at the same time for fortifications were 

 directed to consult with him. 1 The Council expressed the usual hope that the townsmen would 

 bear the cost themselves. There is a report of December, 1587, perhaps by the deputy-lieutenants, 

 on the military condition of Suffolk which shows that Landguard was quite defenceless. 3 The shore 

 was sufficiently steep to enable an enemy ' without help or use of boats to leap on land out of 

 their ships.' Once ashore it was a strong position for them, being cut off from the mainland at 

 every flood tide by the 'fleets' under Walton Cliff. It was intended to throw up an earthen 

 intrenchment with six guns. Orford was undefended, Dunwich and Walberswick were passed over 

 as of little importance, and Aldeburgh was said to have guns, but no intrenchments wherein to place 

 them. Mismer Haven is discussed at some length as « apt for the enemy to land in,' and it appeared 

 that the remains of former intrenchments there only required repair and re-arming. Southwold was 

 unprotected and marked for an 8-gun battery ; Lowestoft possessed two guns, and batteries were 

 designed to occupy the same relative position as those of Henry VIII. A parapet was proposed alon<> 

 the top of the cliff between Lowestoft and Gorleston, with a sconce at Gorleston. 



In January, 1588, the deputy-lieutenants and Tumour sent in another report, substantially the 

 same as that of December. 3 Landguard and Lowestoft were the weakest points ; Aldeburgh, 

 ' being now a town rich in shipping and otherwise,' required a fort for which the burgesses would 

 contribute. They concluded, in a striking passage, by saying that the people 



from the best to the meanest are ready, according to their own most bounden duties, to bestow their 

 lives in this service for God, her Majesty, and country. And if these necessary defences and succours 

 may be had we shall no doubt fight with the better courage ; if not, we shall yet, notwithstanding, do 

 the duties of loyal and truehearted subjects but with greater hazard. 



With this may be paired the spirit of the 4,000 Essex men who marched into Tilbury in July, 

 1588, with empty stomachs and found nothing to eat, but said 'they would abide more hunger than 

 this to serve her majesty and the country.' The Chamberlain's Accounts of Ipswich show that an 

 earthwork was in progress at Landguard in September, 1588 ; the corporation of Lowestoft built a 

 bulwark in the same year at a cost of £80, for which Elizabeth sent six guns. 4 At Aldeburgh three 

 batteries, carrying twenty guns, were erected. 5 



The experience of 1587, and of later years, showed that the brunt of the fighting had always 

 to be borne by men-of-war, and that armed merchantmen were at best useful only for secondary 

 operations. This, however, was understood in 1588 only by a few seamen ; therefore in that year 

 the whole of the English coast was called upon to help, not by a general impressment but by sending 

 a specified number of ships to join the royal fleet. On 31 March, 1588, a general embargo on 

 shipping was proclaimed, the object being not so much to retain the vessels as the men. This was 

 followed the next day by orders to the port towns to furnish ships at their own expense, all to be of 

 more than 60 tons. 8 Ipswich and Harwich were linked for two ships and a pinnace ; Orford, 

 Dunwich, and Aldeburgh for one ship ; and Lowestoft, with Yarmouth, for a ship and a pinnace. 

 Both now, and on subsequent occasions, many of the ports sought excuses in their poverty either to 

 obtain a reduction in the demand made upon them or to have the county and neighbouring towns 

 joined with them towards the charges. As far as Ipswich and Harwich were concerned, the original 

 order had been changed to three hoys, and on 12 April the bailiffs of Ipswich, who usually 

 constituted themselves the spokesmen for the two towns, expatiated to Walsingham on the difficulties 

 encountered. 7 There had been an auxiliary order that most of the cost should be borne by those who 

 had made profits by reprisals, but the persons liable were all ready to swear that they were losers by 

 their ventures. A week later they wrote again to Walsingham and named one Ralph Morrys, a 

 gentleman of the town, who obstinately refused to pay anything. 8 On 19 April an Order in 

 Council directed that all the places within the jurisdiction of the Admiralty of Ipswich were to 

 contribute towards the Ipswich and Harwich ships. 



Lowestoft protested that it was very poor, and that many of the wealthiest inhabitants refused 

 to pay, while some had left the town rather than do so. The Council ordered Pakefield, Kirklev, 

 Kessingland, Covehithe, Corton, Gorleston, and South Yarmouth, to assist, recommended the 

 bailiffs to chase the refugee townsmen, and told them to send to London all who continued to 

 refuse payment. 9 Then Aldeburgh followed ; the authorities complained that although their ship 



1 Acts ofP.C. 26 Dec. 1587. ' S. P. Dom. Eliz. ccvi, 32. 



* Ibid, ccviii, 23. ' Gillingwater, Hist, of Lowestoft, 415. 



5 Add. MSS. 22249, fol. 53. 6 Acts of P. C. 31 March, 1 April, 1588. 



' S. P. Dom. Eliz. ccix, 88 ; Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. ix, App. i, 255. 

 9 S. P. Dom. Eliz. ccix, 100. ' Acts of P. C. 19 May, 1588. 



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