A HISTORY OF SUFFOLK 



from 5 J. to ^i, whilst a ship might be worth anything from ^4 to £10, or 

 in a few cases more. Even if we multiply these sums by fifteen to get some- 

 where nearer to modern values, it is clear that most of the Ipswich vessels 

 can only have been small coasting craft. The kind of vessel that may have 

 been owned by the largest capitalist is shown by an account of a barge built 

 in 1294 at Ipswich for the king's use. This cost ^23 7/., about £j of 

 which was spent in timber and boards ; ^^3 6s. ^d. in carpenters' wages ; 

 ;^3 1 1 J. ()d. in iron, 1,000 small nails and the wages of smiths ; and about 

 ;^9 in pitch, sails, sheets, steadings, coverings, thirty oars and a rudder. A 

 much larger ship built as a man-of-war at the same time cost ^^195, and 

 took over twenty-one weeks in building.** This suggests the possibility that 

 as some of the poorer burgesses are stated to have shared the ownership of a 

 small boat, some of the wealthier ones may have been partners in a larger 

 vessel than any that is represented in a single inventory. A little later we 

 certainly find Ipswich shipowners supplying means of transport for the wool 

 of English merchants to Flanders, and Ipswich merchants trading with 

 German goods between Flemish and French ports. 



At this time, however, most of the trade of Ipswich with the Continent 

 was carried on in Dutch and Flemish ships, and the prosperity of the town 

 was felt to depend on the presence of the foreign merchant. This is shown 

 by the various provisions of the Domesday code which aim at securing just 

 dealings and speedy settlements in all bargains made between burgesses and 

 strangers. Cases dealt with in the town court under the ' law merchant ' in 

 which strangers were involved were not to be adjourned like local cases for a 

 fortnight, but pleaded ' from day to day and from hour to hour as well fore- 

 noon as after,' and the bailiffs were armed with special powers of distraint 

 against an Ipswich merchant who proved a defaulter in regard to a bargain 

 made with a foreigner. The preamble of this last ordinance forcibly expresses 

 the sense which the good men of the town had ' of the wickedness and the 

 folly of such buyers men insufficient and of evil feith who be envyous covetise 

 or by defaut of goode advysement . . . haven embrased bargaynes and 

 bought goodys and merchaundysys comyng into the forseid town . . , and 

 wykkydly agens law and good faith in esclandre of the . . . good men therin 

 dwellyng han delayed merchaundes of ther payment, wherefore straunge 

 merchaunts oftentyme withdrawen . . . and that to the grievous damage of 

 the town and of all the cuntre aboutyn.' ** 



The trade both inward and outward was very largely in food and drink and 

 raw material. The grain and wool, the butter, cheese, and beer exported were 

 balanced by wine, almonds, figs and raisins, fish of all kinds both cured and 

 fresh, woad, ashes, copperas and alum, oil, tallow, pitch and salt, the leather 

 and iron of Spain, the timber of Ireland and Norway, and the wines and salt 

 of France. But a trade in -manufactured goods was not wanting. The cloth 

 made in the neighbouring towns of Coggeshall, Maldon, Colchester, and 

 Sudbury, as well as that brought from Beverley, Lincoln, and London, was 

 exchanged for the more costly fabrics of Flanders, the silks of Italy, the 

 cutlery of France and Germany.** 



" Hist. MSS. Cm. Rep. ix, App. {,258. 



** Dom. of Ipswich. The translation here given was made in the 1 5th centniy. 



" Ipsuiicb Dom. Bk. 18 1-5. 



648 



