282 



CONGKESS, U. S. 



cess of the Government in subduing upon its 

 present plan the rebellious States must inevi- 

 tably result in restoring the domination of the 

 slaveholding class by reinstating the institution, 

 under the forms of our constitutional system, 

 in the powers, privileges, and immunities which 

 have always pertained to it. Hence, such a 

 policy is calculated to bring no lasting peace to 

 the country, and utterly fails to fulfil the ob- 

 ject to which a wise statesmanship would strive 

 to direct the present momentous occasion. 



" It is no answer to me to say that it would 

 elevate to power in the South men of more 

 agreeable manners, or even more gentle pro- 

 slavery views, than are now on the stage. In 

 truth, the character of the agents whom the 

 slaveholders select to represent them has no 

 important relation to the question. Men are of 

 but little consequence in this case. It is a con- 

 test of principles. The rehabilitation of slavery 

 in the Union brings with it the whole train of 

 evils under which the country has suffered 

 from the origin of the Government. 



" There are many persons, however, who 

 believe that slavery may be placed where it 

 will be in the course of ultimate exinction ; 

 that, indeed, the effect of this war, in any 

 event, will be so to weaken it in all the States 

 in which it exists that it will be unable to re- 

 cover from the shock thereby inflicted, but will 

 languish and ultimately die, without a disturb- 

 ing struggle. 



" This is, in my judgment, a mistake. The 

 inexorable and eternal condition of the life of 

 slavery is, that it must not only hold its own, 

 but it must get more. Such is the unchange- 

 able law, developed from the conflict of slavery 

 with the order of justice ; and no one is com- 

 petent to render a judgment in the case who 

 does not recognize it." 



Mr. Harding, of Kentucky, said : " I ask, sir, 

 whether the President does not stand pledged 

 before the country and the world to this con- 

 servative policy? It is plain that Congress 

 and that this Administration all stand pledged 

 in the most solemn manner to the people of 

 this country to follow this line of policy, and 

 not depart from it. 



"It follows, then, that Congress and the 

 President being pledged to this conservative 

 policy, he cannot now, nor can Congress, 

 swerve from it without a palpable and plain 

 violation of the plighted faith of both. To 

 sanction the policy proposed by these resolu- 

 tions would be to turn the war away from its 

 legitimate purpose, and indeed to turn the 

 bayonets of our soldiers against the institution 

 of slavery. It would not only be a departure 

 from the policy heretofore indicated, but would 

 in fact be a betrayal of the loyal States who 

 have been induced with such great unanimity 

 to vote men and money to carry on this war 

 for the defence of the Government. Why, sir, 

 common honesty would demand, if I induce a 

 man to engage in any enterprise on stipulated 

 conditions, that I should stand by him and ad- 



here to my agreement. Let me put the case 

 to the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. 

 Eliot), who introduced these resolutions. I 

 take the ground that this war should have 

 nothing to do with the institution of slavery, 

 any more than with any other State institution. 

 Let slavery alone, it will take care of itself. 

 Let me argue with the gentleman from Massa- 

 chusetts, who moved these resolutions. The 

 President and the Secretaries and Congress, by 

 their action, have induced us with great 

 unanimity to raise a very large army. Some 

 six hundred thousand men have been brought 

 into the field. Large amounts of money have 

 been voted and expended. Direct taxes have 

 been imposed even upon the necessaries of life. 

 All this has been done to sustain, defend, and 

 preserve the Constitution and Government of 

 our fathers. 



" But after our troops are in the field, and 

 have their armor on, suppose I come up from 

 Kentucky and propose to divert the war from 

 its legitimate objects by urging that the regi- 

 ments from Massachusetts should be employed 

 part of their time in capturing and returning 

 runaway slaves ? Would not the repesentatives 

 from that State rise up and denounce such a 

 proposition with the deepest indignation ? 

 What, then, is it you propose ? If it would be 

 bad faith and a fraud upon your troops to em- 

 ploy them iu capturing and returning fugitive 

 slaves, I ask whether it would not be far more 

 fraudulent and in bad faith to the loyal men of 

 Kentucky who have girded on their swords 

 and gone out to fight for the Union, to tell 

 them that from this time forth they shall be 

 engaged in making war upon the institution 

 of slavery a war for the destruction of their 

 own property, and leading on to all the bloody 

 horrors of servile insurrection ? 



"Sir, let me illustrate a little further, to 

 show how destructive this policy is, and how 

 stiange it is that a man should be so far mis- 

 guided as to permit himself to be influenced by 

 it. We all know that a man's honest convic- 

 tion of right, the burning zeal which he feels 

 within him when he is engaged in this abolition 

 war, or war of emancipation, is no evidence 

 whatever that he is right. I remember that 

 Paul himself was never more zealous than 

 when he was breathing out threatenings and 

 death ; when he was persecuting, wasting, and 

 destroying the churches of God ; and he was 

 doing all that in the name of religion, and 

 ' verily thought he was doing God's service.' 

 But when the scales fell from his eyes he _ saw 

 things in their true light, and he was a differ- 

 ent man. I would that the scales might fall 

 from the eyes of every one. What has this 

 question of slavery to do with this war ? We 

 have no more right to interfere with slavery 

 in a Southern State than with the common 

 school system, or any other local institution of 

 a Northern State. Suppose I should arise here 

 and propose a bill to abolish or radically change 

 the common school system of Massachusetts, 



