344 



CONGKESS, U. S. 



that this is the most inauspicious for the meas- 

 ure which we are called upon to adopt. We 

 are not only engaged in this tremendous war, 

 now, I trust, coming to its end, but we are 

 engaged in a war founded upon the apprehen- 

 sion of the people that it is the intention of 

 Congress ultimately to violate the constitution- 

 al rights of the diiferent States in adopting or 

 rejecting slavery as they please. It is that ap- 

 prehension which has kindled this war. No 

 one will dispute that. Whether it was the 

 real motive with this or that leader, or wheth- 

 er they had other and more traitorous views, 

 it is not necessary to determine. 



" The masses of the people, so far as they 

 were influenced by any political considerations, 

 were, I say, influenced to unite in this rebel- 

 lion by the apprehension of such an intention 

 on the part of Congress. I believed then, and 

 I believe now, that they are mistaken, and 

 that the Congress of the United States will 

 not exercise any such unconstitutional power 

 over them. But that was their apprehension. 

 They are now laboring under that apprehen- 

 sion. Under that apprehension they have 

 fought with fury against us. Out of that appre- 

 hension has been attempted to be deduced by the 

 leaders of the rebellion every motive to con- 

 tinued resistance and to everlasting hostility 

 to us. That is our condition now, and it is 

 under these circumstances that this bill is 

 introduced, and we are asked to pass it. What 

 will be the effect of it? Will it not, in the 

 minds of the suspicious, and even of the un- 

 suspicious, strengthen an opinion that that is 

 the purpose of Congress? If it were entirely 

 Unconnected with any question of slavery in 

 the States, it might be of less importance ; but 

 in principle and in character it is connected 

 with it, and it will be so considered, at any 

 rate, by those in rebellion. It will be consider- 

 ed as an evidence of the general purpose and 

 intent of Congress. I do not say that you have 

 not the power ; but would not that power be, 

 at such a time as this, most unwisely and in- 

 discreetly exercised. That is the point. Of 

 all the times when an attempt was ever made 

 to carry this measure, is not this the most in- 

 auspicious ? Is it not a time Avhen the measure 

 is most likely to produce danger and mischief 

 to the country at large ? So it seems to me. 



"But are the views of gentlemen limited 

 merely to giving to the slaves of this District 

 the benefit of the law? Those who urge it 

 will have more candor than to say so. They 

 do not limit their views merely to the locality 

 of this District. No, sir, it is the commence- 

 ment of a great system ; it is the beginning, 

 not the end. You try your power here. You 

 execute it here. This thing done, it opens the 

 prospect of further action, and of further dis- 

 turbance of the community. Having done it 

 here, where it involves, perhaps, in the judg- 

 ment of men, nothing but a mere question of 

 good faith, the measure can be effected else- 

 where, where it will involve a question scarcely 



less vital a question of constitutional power. 

 You are trying your strength now. You are 

 practising for the greater combat. From this 

 ground, occupied as a sort of camp for the pur- 

 pose, it is suspected you intend to make war on 

 the same institution in the States. 



"It seems to me, Mr. Chairman, that that 

 apprehension will be increased by another 

 thing, by another consideration. This measure 

 might be of itself of but little significance, if 

 it could be entirely limited to the District of 

 Columbia. If that was to be ' the be-all and 

 the end-all' of it, it might not be a thing worth 

 debating. But, sir, we cannot avoid connecting 

 it with the whole system that has been pre- 

 sented to us here for the abolition of slavery 

 elsewhere. There are now on our table from 

 ten to twenty propositions of one sort or an- 

 other, all contemplating the confiscation, or, in 

 terms, the liberation of the slaves of the people 

 of the United States. This is one of them. 

 The public mind cannot avoid making the 

 connection. This is but one link in the chain, 

 and a small one; but it is a link in the mighty 

 chain of measures which are in progress here 

 now. It is that which gives it its most dis- 

 astrous effect. Is there not, then, danger that 

 we create a feeling of apprehension which will 

 disturb our country to what extent we can- 

 not imagine ? The weary rebels, who are now 

 fainting under the defeats which our brave 

 army lias inflicted on them, will feel a new 

 desperation with every new assurance that 

 peace is to bring the spoliation of their property 

 of all descriptions. It will inspire an instinct- 

 ive spirit of hostility and desperation. That is 

 the nature of man." 



The vote was finally taken in the House on 

 the bill with the following result : 



YEAS. Messrs. Aldrich, Alley, Arnold, Ashley, Bab- 

 bitt, Baker, Baxter, Beaman, Bingham, Francis P. 

 Blair, Samuel S. Blair, Blake, George H. Browne, 

 Buffinton, Campbell, Chamberlin, Clark, Colfax, Fred- 

 erick A. Conkling, Roscoe, Conkling, Covode, Davis, 

 Dawes, Delano, Diven, Duell, Dunn, Edgerton, Ed- 

 wards, Eliot, English, Fenton, Fessenden, Fisher, 

 Franchot, Frank, Gooch, Goodwin, Granger, Haight, 

 Hale, Hanchett, Harrison, Hickman, Hooker, Hutchms, 

 Julian, Kelley,_Francis W. Kellogg, Killinger, Lansing, 

 Loomis, Lovejoy, McKnight, McPherson, Mitchefl, 

 Moorhead, Anson P. Morrill, Justin S. Morrill, Nixon, 

 Odell, Olin, Patton, Pike, Porter, Potter, Alexander 

 H. Rice, John H. Rice, Riddle, Edward H. Rollins, 

 Sargent, Sedgwick, Shanks, Sheffield, Shellabarger, 

 Sloan, Spaulding, Stevens, Stratton, Benjamin F. 

 Thomas, Train, Trowbridge, Van Horn, Van Valken- 

 burg, Verree, Wallace, E. P. Walton, Washburne, 

 Wheeler, Albert S. White, Wilson, and Windom 92. 



NAYS. Messrs. Allen, Joseph Baily, Biddle, Jacob B. 

 Blair, William G. Brown, Casey, Crittenden, Dela- 

 plaine, Dunlap, Grider, Hall, Harding, Holman, John- 

 son, Knapp, Law, Lazear, Mallory, Menzies, Morris, 

 Noble, Norton, Nugen, Pendleton, Perry, Price, James 

 S. Rollins, Shiel, John B. Steele, William G. Steele, 

 Francis Thomas, Vallandigham, Voorhees, Wads- 

 worth, W r ard, Chilton A. White, Wickliffe, and 

 Wright^-38. 



After being signed by the President it was 

 returned to the Senate with the following 



