PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. 



723 



the enemy. It was not necessary as a pledge of our 

 loyalty, for that had been manifested beyond a reason- 

 able doubt, in every form, and at every place possible. 

 There was not the remotest probability that the States 

 we represent would join in the rebellion, nor is there 

 now ; or of their electing to go with the Southern sec- 

 tion in the event of a recognition of the independence 

 of any part of the disaffected region. Our States are 

 fixed unalterably in their resolution to adhere to and 

 support the Union ; they see no safety for themselves 

 and no hope for constitutional liberty but by its pres- 

 ervation. They will under no circumstances consent 

 to its dissolution, and we do them no more than justice 

 when we assure you that while the war is conducted 

 to prevent that deplorable catastrophe, they will sustain 

 it as long as they can muster a man or command a dol- 

 lar. Nor will th'ey ever consent, in any event, to unite 

 with the Southern Confederacy. The" bitter fruits of 



jstody of an association which has incorpora- 

 ted in its organic law the seeds of its own destruction. 



We cannot admit, Mr. President, that if we had 

 voted for the resolution in the emancipation Message 

 of March last the war would now be substantially 

 ended. We are unable to see how our action in this 

 particular has gi^en, or could give, encouragement to 

 the rebellion. The resolution has passed ; and if there 

 be virtue in it, it will be quite as efficacious as if we 

 had voted for it. We have no power to bind our States 

 in this respect by our votes here ; and whether we had 

 voted the one wav or the other, they are in the same 

 condition of freed"om to accept or reject its provisions. 

 No, sir; the war has not been prolonged or hindered 

 by our action on this or any other measure. We must 

 look for other causes for that lamented fact. We think 

 there is not much difficulty, not much uncertainty, in 

 pointing out others far more probable and potent in 

 their agencies to that end. 



The rebellion derives its strength from the union of 

 all classes in the insurgent States; and while that 

 union lasts the war will never end until they are utter- 

 ly exhausted. We know that at the inception of these 

 troubles Southern society was divided, and that a 

 large portion, perhaps a" majoritv, were opposed to 

 secession. Now the great mass of" Southern people are 

 united. To discover why they are so we must glance 

 at Southern society, and'notice the classes into which 

 it has been divided", and which still distinguish it. They 

 are in arms, but not for the same objects ; they are 

 moved to a common end, but by different and even in- 

 consistent reasons. The leaders, which word compre- 

 hends those who were previously known as the State 

 Rights party, and which party is much the lesser class, 

 seek to break down national" independence and set up 

 State domination. With them it is a war against na- 

 tionality. The other class is fighting, as it supposes, to 

 maintain and preserve its rights of property and domes- 

 tic safety, which it has been made to believe are as- 

 sailed by this Government. This latter class are not 

 disunionists />er $e ; they are so only because they have 

 been made to believe that this Administration is in- 

 imical to their rights, and is making war on their 

 domestic institutions. As long as these two classes 

 act together they will never assent to a peace. The 

 policy, then, to 'be pursued is obvious. The former 

 class'will never be reconciled, but the latter may be. 

 Remove their apprehensions; satisfy them that no 

 harm is intended to them and their institutions ; that 

 this Government is not making war on their rights of 

 property, but is simply defending its legitimate au- 

 thority," and they will gladly return to their allegiance 

 as soon as the pressure of military dominion imposed 

 by the Confederate authority is removed from them. 



Twelve months ago both bouses of Congress, adopt- 

 ing the spirit of your Message, then but recently 

 sent in, declared with singular unanimity the objects 

 of the war, and the country instantly bounded to your 

 side to assist you in carrying it on. If the spirit of 

 that resolution had been "adhered to, we are confident 

 that we should before now have seen the end of this 



deplorable conflict. But what hare we seen In both 

 Houses of Congress we have heard doctrines si. 

 sive of the principles of the Constitution, and seen 

 measure after measure founded in substance on those 

 doctrines proposed and carried through, which can 

 have no other effect than to distract and divide loyal 

 men, and exasperate and drive still further from us and 

 their duty the people of the rebellious States. Military 

 officers, following these bad examples, have stepped 

 beyond the just limits of their authority in the same 

 direction, until in several instances you have felt the 

 necessity of interfering to arrest them. And even 

 the passage of the resolution to which you refer has 

 been ostentatiously proclaimed as the triumph of a 

 principle which the people of the Southern States re- 

 gard as ruinous to them. The effect of these measures 

 was foretold, and may now be seen in the indurated 

 state of Southern feelfne. 



To these causes, Mr. President, and not to our omis- 

 sion to vote for the resolution recommended by you, 

 we solemnly believe we are to attribute the terrible 

 earnestness of those in arms against the Government, 

 and the continuance of the war. Nor do we (permit 

 us to say, Mr. President, with all respect for you} 

 a^ree that the institution of slaverv is ' the lever of 

 their power,' but we are of the opinion that ' the lever 

 of their power' is the apprehension that the powers of 

 a common Government, created for common and equal 

 protection to the interests of all, will be wielded against 

 the institutions of the Southern States. 



There is one other idea in your address we feel call- 

 ed on to notice. After stating the fact of your repudi- 

 ation of Gen. Hunter's proclamation, you add : 



Yet. in repudiating it, I gave dissatisfaction, if not offence, 

 to many whose support tfie country cannot afford to lose. 

 And this is not the end of it The pressure in this direction 

 is still upon me and is increasing. By conceding what I now 

 ask. you can relieve me, and, much more, can relieve the 

 country in tins important point 



We have anxiously looked into this passage to dis- 

 cover its true import, but we are yet in painful uncer- 

 tainty. How can we, by conceding what you now 

 ask, relieve you and the country from the increasing 

 pressure to which you refer? We will not allow our- 

 selves to think that the proposition is, that we consent 

 to give up slavery, to the end that the Hunter proc- 

 lamation may be let loose on the Southern people, for 

 it is too well known that we would not be parties to 

 any such measure, and we have too much respect for 

 you to imagine you would propose it. Can it mean 

 that by sacrificing our interest in slavery we appease 

 the sp'irit that controls that pressure, cause it to be 

 withdrawn, and rid the country of the pestilent agita- 

 tion of the slavery question ? We are forbidden so to 

 think, for that spirit would not be satisfied with the 

 liberation of seven hundred thousand slaves, and cease 

 its agitation, while three millions remain in bondage. 

 Can it mean that by abandoning slavery in our States, 

 we are removing the pressure from you and the coun- 

 trv, by preparing for a separation on the line of the 

 Cotton States? We are forbidden so to think, because 

 it is known that we are, and we believe that vou are, 

 unalterablv opposed to any division at all. ^\ e would 

 prefer to think that you desire this concession as a 

 pledge of our support, and thus enable you to with- 

 stand a pressure which weighs heavily on vou and the 

 country. Mr. President, no such sacrifice is necessary 

 to secure our support. Confine yourself to your con- 

 stitutional authority ; confine your subordinates within 

 the same limits ; conduct this war solelv for the pur- 

 pose of restoring the Constitution to its legitimate au- 

 thority ; concede to each State and its loyal citizens 

 their j'ust rights, and we are wedded to you by ii.< 

 luble ties. Do this, Mr. President, and you touch the 

 American heart and invigorate it with new hope. You 

 will, as we solemnly believe, in due time restore peace 

 to your country, lift it from despondency to a future 

 of glory ; and preserve to vour countrymen, their 

 terity/and man, the inestimable treasure of constitu- 

 tional government. 



Mr. President, we have stated with frankness and 



