PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. 



EEPLY OF MR. MAYNARD, OF TENNESSEE. 



HOUSE OP REPRESENTATIVES, July 1C, 1862. 

 SIR : The magnitude and gravity of the proposition 

 submitted by you to Representatives from the Slave 

 States would naturally occasion diversity, if not con- 

 trariety of opinion. You will not, therefore, be sur- 

 prised" that 1 have not been able to concur in view 

 with the majority of them. This is attributable, pos- 

 sibly, to the fact that my State is not a Border State, 

 properly so called, and that my immediate constitu- 

 ents are not yet disenthralled from the hostile arms of 

 the rebellion. This fact is a physical obstacle in the 

 way of my now submitting to their consideration this 

 or "any other proposition looking to political action, 

 especially such a, in this case, would require a change 

 in the organic law of the State. 



But do not infer that I am insensible to your appeal. 

 I am not. You are surrounded with difficulties far 

 greater than have embarrassed any of your prede- 

 cessors. You need the support of every American 

 citizen, and you ought to have it, active, zealous, and 

 honest The union of every Union man to aid you in 

 preserving the Union is the duty of the time. Differ- 

 ences as to policy and methods must be subordinated 

 to the common purpose. 



In looking for the causes of this rebellion, it is nat- 

 ural that each section and each party should ascribe 

 as little blame as possible to itself, and as much as 

 possible to its opponent section and party. Possibly 

 you and I might not agree on a comparison of our 

 Views. That there should be differences of opinion as 

 to the best mode of conducting our military operations, 

 and the best men to lead our armies, is equally natural. 

 Contests on such questions weaken ourselves and 

 strengthen our enemies. They are unprofitable and 

 possibly unpatriotic. Somebody must yield, or we 

 waste our strength in a contemptible struggle amongst 

 ourselves. 



You appeal to the loyal men of the Slave States to 

 sacrifice something of feeling and a great deal of inter- 

 est. The sacrifices they have already made and the 

 sufferings they have endured give the best assurance 

 that the appeal will not have been made in vain. He 

 who is not ready to yield all his material interests, and 

 to forego his most cherished sentiments and opinions 

 for the preservation of bis country, although he may 

 have perilled his life on the battle-field in her defence, 

 is but half a patriot. Among the loyal people that I 

 represent there are no half patriots. 



Already the rebellion has cost us much, even to our 

 undoing ; we are content, if need be, to give up the 

 rest to suppress it. We have stood by you from the 

 beginning of this struggle, and we mean to stand by 

 you, God willing, till the end of it. 



I did not vote for the resolution to which you allude, 

 solely for the reason that at the time I was absent at 

 the capital of my own State. It is right. 



Should any of the Slave States think proper to ter- 

 minate that'institution, as several of them, I under- 

 stand, or at least some of their citizens propose, justice 

 and a generous comity require that the country should 

 interpose to aid it in lessening the burden, public and 

 private, occasioned by so radical a change in its social 

 and industrial relations. 



I will not now speculate upon the effect, at home or 

 abroad, of the adoption of your policy, nor inquire 

 what action of the rebel lea'ders has rendered some- 

 thing of the kind important. Your whole administra- 

 tion gives the highest assurance that you are moved, 

 not so much from a desire to see all men everywhere 

 made free, as from a far higher desire to preserve free 

 institutions for the benefit of men already free ; not to 

 make slaves freemen, but to prevent freemen from 

 being made slaves ; not to destroy an institution which 

 a portion of us only consider bad, but to save institu- 

 tions which we all alike consider good. I am satisfied 

 that you would not ask from any of your \ 

 citizens a sacrifice not, in your judgment, imperativelj 

 required by the safety of the country. 



This is the spirit of your appeal, and I respond to it 

 in the same spirit. 

 I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 



HORACE MAYNARD: 

 To the PRESIDENT. 



Proclamation of President LINCOLN on the 

 Emancipation of the Slaves. 



I, ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the United State 

 of America, and Cotnmander-in-Chief of the army and 

 nayy thereof, do hereby proclaim and declare that 

 hereafter, as heretofore, the war will be prosecuted for 

 the object of practically restoring the constitutional 

 relation between the United States and each of the 

 States, and the people thereof, in which States that 

 relation is or may be suspended or disturbed. 



That it is my purpose, upon the next meeting of 

 Congress, to again recommend the adoption of a prac- 

 tical measure tendering pecuniary aid to the free 

 acceptance or rejection of all Slave States, so called, 

 the people whereof may not then be in rebellion 

 against the United States, and which States may then 

 have voluntarily adopted, or thereafter may voluntarily 

 adopt, immediate or gradual abolishment of slavery 

 within their respective limits; and that the effort to 

 colonize persons of African descent, with their consent, 

 upon this continent or elsewhere, with the previously 

 obtained consent of the governments existing there, 

 will be continued. 



That on the first day of January, in the year of our 

 Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all 

 persons held as slaves within any State, or designated 

 part of a State, the people whereof shall then be in 

 rebellion against the United States, shall be then, 

 thenceforward, and forever free; and the Executive 

 Government of the United States, including the mili- 

 tary and naval authority thereof, will recognize and 

 maintain the freedom of'such persons, and will do no 

 act or acts to repress such persons, or any of them, 

 in any efforts they may make for their actual freedom. 

 That the Executive "will, on the first day of January 

 aforesaid, by proclamation, designate the States and 

 parts of States, if any, in which the people thereof 

 respectively shall then be in rebellion against the 

 United States ; and the fact that any State, or the 

 people thereof, shall on that day be in goodjaith rep- 

 resented in the Congress of the United States, by 

 members chosen thereto at elections wherein a majority 

 of the qualified voters of such State shall have partici- 

 pated, shall, in the absence of strong countervailing 

 testimony, be deemed conclusive evidence that such 

 State, and the people thereof, are not then in rebellion 

 against the United States. 



That attention is hereby called to an act of Congress 

 entitled "An Act to make an additional Article of 

 War," approved March 13, 1862, and which act is in 

 the words and figures following : 



Be it enacted by the Senate and, HOUM of Reprettmia- 

 titesofthe United State* of America in Congress atstm- 

 bUd That hereafter the following shall be promulgated as 

 an additional article of war for the government of the army 

 of the United States, and shall be obeyed and observed as 



^ARTICLE. All officers or persons in the military or naval 

 service of the United States are prohibited from employing 

 any of the forces under their respective commands for UJ 

 purpose of returning fusitives from service or labor ^ 

 may L-ave escaped from any persons to whom snch service 

 or labor is claimed to be due; and any officer who .shall be 

 found guilty by a court martial of violating this ruc 

 shall be dismissed from the service. . . . .,, 



SEC. 2. And be it furtlitr enacted. That this tct shall 

 take effect from and after its passage. 



Also to the ninth and tenth sections of an act en- 

 titled "An Act to Suppress Insurrection, tc 1 urns 

 Treason and Rebellion, to Seize and Confiscati 

 erty of Rebels, and for other Purposes, i 

 July 17, 1=<62, and which sections are in the words and 

 figures following : 



SEC. 9. And b itfurthtr enacM, Tut all slaves of per- 



