792 



UNITED STATES. 



to be pursuing with regard to the slaves 

 of the rebels." " You are strangely and 

 disastrously remiss in the discharge of your 

 official and imperative duty with regard to the 

 emancipation provisions of the new confisca- 

 tion act." It was further added: 



We complain that the Union cause has suffered, and 

 is now suffering immensely, from mistaken deference 

 to rebel slavery. Had you, sir, in your inaugural ad- 

 dress, unmistakably given notice that, in case the re- 

 bellion already commenced were persisted in, and 

 your efforts to preserve the Union and enforce the 

 laws should be resisted by armed force, you would 

 recognize no loyal person as rightfully held in slavery 

 by a traitor, we believe the rebellion would therein 

 have received a staggering if not fatal blow. 



President Lincoln took notice of these 

 charges, and replied by explaining the policy 

 he was pursuing in these words : 



As to the policy I " seem to be pursuing," as you 

 say, I have not meant to leave any one in doubt. 



I would save the Union. I would save it the short- 

 est way under the Constitution. The sooner the na- 

 tional authority can be restored the nearer the Union 

 will be " the Union as it was." If there be those who 

 would not save the Union unless they could at the 

 same time save slavery, I do not agree with them. If 

 there be those who would not save the Union unless 

 they could at the same time destroy slavery, I do not 

 not agree with them. My paramount object in this 

 struggle is to save the Union, and is not either to save 

 or to destroy slavery. If I could save the Union with- 

 out freeing any slave I would do it, and if I could save 

 it by freeing all the slaves I would do it ; and if I could 

 save it by freeing some and leaving others alone, I 

 would also do that. What I do about slavery and the 

 colored race, I do because I believe it helps to save 

 this Union ; and what I forbear, I forbear because I do 

 not believe it would help to save the Union. I shall 

 do less whenever I shall believe what I am doing hurts 

 the cause, and I shall do more whenever I shall believe 

 doing more will help the cause. I shall try to correct 

 errors when shown to be errors ; and I shall adopt 

 new views so fast as they shall appear to be true 

 views. 



I have here stated my purpose according to my view 

 of official duty; and I intend no modification of my 

 oft-expressed personal wish that all men everywhere 

 could be free. Yours, A. LINCOLN. 



This letter of the President, expressing a pur- 

 pose to effect the restoration of the Union with- 

 out regard to incidental consequences to the 

 slaves, was in accordance with the sentiments of 

 the great mass of the people in the Federal States, 

 including a large portion of his own political 

 party. It had the effect for the moment of re- 

 viving the confidence of that portion of the 

 people not adherents to abolitionism as such, 

 that in spite of the " pressure " the war would 

 yet be conducted for the sole purpose of re- 

 storing the Union of the States. The anti- 

 slavery men were hushed. Their bitter and 

 unsparing denunciation of all Northern citizens 

 who stood aloof, through patriotic or conscien- 

 tious motives, from the strictly anti-slavery 

 views and measures of the Government, as 

 "secessionists" and "traitors," was silenced 

 only, however, to break out again with the 

 renewed effort to give another turn to the 

 screws under which the President was writh- 

 ing. Nevertheless the education of the people 

 up to emancipation was becoming more com- 



plete every day. A second call for three hundred 

 thousand men was made, but the enlistments 

 were slow. Threats of draft and most liberal 

 bounties were required. This reluctance among 

 the people to enter the ranks of the army was 

 ascribed to the policy of the Government in 

 not adopting bold emancipation measures. It 

 was declared by the advocates of such measures 

 that the streets and byways would be' crowd- 

 ed with volunteers to fight for the freedom of 

 the "loyal blacks," and thrice three hun- 

 dred thousand could be obtained easily for 

 that object. Still the Federal Government 

 kept aloof. It was now urged by the advocates 

 of emancipation that slavery in the seceded 

 States should be treated by the Government as 

 a military question. It was contributing nearly 

 all the subsistence by which the enfemy in arms 

 was supported ; it built the greater part of their 

 fortifications ; it dug the greater number of 

 trenches ; it alone enabled nearly all the able- 

 bodied whites to join the Confederate army, 

 &c. The watchword now was " the abolition 

 of slavery by the force of arms for the sake of 

 the Union." Those who objected to such a 

 measure as at least futile, if not likely to be dis- 

 astrous to the cause of the country, were put 

 to silence by epithets of "disunionists," "trai- 

 tors," "Southern sympathizers," and threats of 

 imprisonment by their fellow citizens as ene- 

 mies in disguise. But the Government made 

 no proclamation. As late as the 13th of Sep- 

 tember the President was visited by a deputa- 

 tion representing the Christians in the city of 

 Chicago, Illinois, with a memorial requesting 

 him to issue a proclamation of emancipation. 

 The deputation presented the memorial with 

 such reasons in its favor as occurred to their 

 minds, to which Mr. Lincoln replied as follows : 



The subject presented in the memorial is one upon 

 which I have thought much for weeks past, and I may 

 even say for months. I am approached with the most 

 opposite opinions and advice, and that by religious 

 men, who are equally certain that they represent the 

 Divine will. I am sure that either the one or the 

 other class is mistaken in that belief, and perhaps in 

 some respect both. I hope it will not be irreverent 

 for me to say that if it is probable that God would re- 

 veal his will to others, on a point so connected with 

 my duty, it might be supposed he would reveal it di- 

 rectly to me ; for, unless I am more deceived in myself 

 than'l often am, it is my earnest desire to know the 

 will of Providence in this matter. And if I can learn 

 what it is I will do it ! These are not, however, the 

 days of miracles, and I suppose it will be granted that 

 I am not to expect a direct revelation. I must study 

 the plain physical facts of the case, ascertain what is 

 possible and" learn what appears to be wise and right. 

 The subject is difficult, and good men do not agree. 

 But we will talk over the merits of the case. 



What good would a proclamation of emancipation 

 from me do, especially as we are now situated ? I do 

 not want to issue a document that the whole world 

 will see must necessarily be inoperative, like the Pope's 

 bull against the comet ! Would my word free the 

 slaves, when I cannot even enforce the Constitution 

 in the rebel States? Is there a single court, or magis- 

 trate, or individual that would be influenced by it 

 there ? And what reason is there to think it would 

 have any greater effect upon the slaves than the late 

 law of Congress, which I approved, and which offers 



