CONFEDERATE STATES. 



189 



children and all her material resources to the achieve- 

 ment of the object of our struggle. 



The opinion expressed by the General Assembly, 

 in regard to Gen. Robert E. Lee, has my full concur- 

 rence. Virginia cannot have a higher regard for 

 him, or a greater confidence in his character and 

 ability, than is entertained by me. When Gen. Lee 

 took command of the Army of Northern Virginia, he 

 was in command of all the armies of the Confederate 

 States. By my order of assignment, he continued 

 in this general command, as well as in the immediate 

 command of the Army of Northern Virginia, as long 

 as I could resist his opinion that it was necessary to 

 him to be relieved from one of these two duties. 

 Ready as he has ever shown himself to be to perform 

 any service -that I desired him to render to his coun- 

 try, he left it for me to choose between his with- 

 drawal from the command of the army in the field, 

 or relieving him of general command of all the ar- 

 mies of the Confederate States. 



It was only when satisfied with this necessity, I 

 came to the conclusion to relieve him of general com- 

 mand, believing that the safety of the Capital and 

 the success of our cause, depended, in a great meas- 

 ure, on then retaining him in command in the field 

 with the Army of Northern Virginia. On several 

 subsequent occasions the desire, on my part, to en- 

 large the sphere of Gen. Lee's usefulness, has led to 

 renewed consideration of the subject, and he has al- 

 ways expressed his inability to assume the command 

 of other armies than those now confided to him, un- 

 less relieved of the immediate command in the field 

 of that army now opposed to Gen. Grant. 



In conclusion, I assure the General Assembly that 

 whenever it shall be found practicable by Gen. Lee to 

 assume command of all the armies of the Confederate 

 States, without withdrawing him from direct com- 

 mand of the Army of Northern Virginia, I will deem 

 it promotive of the public interests to place him in 

 .such command, and will be happy to know that by 

 so doing I am responding to their expressed desires. 

 It will afford me great pleasure to see you, gentle- 

 men, as proposed in your letter, whenever it may be 

 convenient for you to visit me. 



I am, very respectfully and truly yours, 



JEFFERSON DAVIS. 



About the same time the members of the 

 Virginia delegation in the Confederate Con- 

 gress, believing that the Confederacy was in 

 extraordinary danger in consequence of serious 

 misfortunes ; that the public spirit was depress- 

 ed; that the apprehensions for the public 

 safety were increased by the belief that the 

 public misfortunes were partially the result of 

 mismanagement, and that one of the most im- 

 portant measures to be adopted was a recon- 

 struction of the Cabinet, resolved to make this 

 opinion known to Mr. Davis as the advice of 

 his friends. The advice was thus tendered by 

 the delegation, that a general reconstruction of 

 the Cabinet was demanded by public sentiment, 

 and was necessary for the restoration of the 

 public confidence. The movement failed to ac- 

 complish the end designed. A correspondence 

 ensued between Mr. Davis and his Secretary of 

 War. which was made public. The delegation 

 in a subsequent -address say : " Misconceiving 

 the spirit of our proceeding, our distinguished 

 fellow-citizen, Mr. Sedclon, without a general 

 reconstruction of the Cabinet, resigned the 

 office of Secretary of War. If we have unin- 

 tentionally wounded his sensibilities, we deeply 

 regret that such a consequence resulted from our 

 action or from his construction of it. 



"In a letter accepting his resignation tho 

 President declines to approve the propriety of 

 his decision to resign, because, he adds, ' I can 

 not admit the existence of a power or right in 

 the legislative, department of the Government, 

 or in any part or branch of it, to control the 

 continuance in office of those principal officers 

 in each of the Executive Departments whoso 

 choice the Constitution has vested in the Chief 

 Magistrate,' etc. He observes that the circum- 

 stances which gave rise to Mr. Seddon's resig- 

 nation are without precedent. In conceding a 

 just and legitimate influence to enlightened pub- 

 lic opinion, he denies ' that the declaration of a 

 State delegation, or even of one or botli Houses, 

 is entitled to be considered as the authentic ex- 

 pression of such opinion, or as requiring conces- 

 sion from a coordinate department of the Gov- 

 ernment.' 



" The public can now judge how far the dis- 

 cussion of such topics was relevant to our ac- 

 tion, and how justly or wisely the publication 

 of such a correspondence, or the spirit which 

 pervades it, responds to the proceedings and 

 purposes of this delegation. That the friendly 

 advice of a delegation, or the more authentic 

 counsel of Congress, should be repelled in such 

 a manner, with such claims and at such a time, 

 is a circumstance which we deplore for the sake 

 of the country, and, let us add, for the sake of 

 the President. It will not provoke us to a re- 

 sentful controversy. It cannot abate our devo- 

 tion to the public cause. It does not alter our 

 principles of action. But since, by the publi- 

 cation of this correspondence, members of the 

 Cabinet have (probably with their consent) 

 been placed before the tribunal of public opinion 

 at issue with the Virginia delegation upon the 

 question whether they should have remained 

 or been retained in office, notwithstanding the 

 condition of our country and all the indications 

 of public sentiment, this delegation do not re- 

 coil from that issue." 



The resignation of Mr. Seddon was followed 

 by the appointment of Maj.-Gen. John C. Breck- 

 inridge as Secretary of War. 



The Congress was at this time in session at 

 Richmond, having assembled in November, and 

 the public expectation was directed to, that body 

 for measures needed to strengthen and rein- 

 vigorate the army. The military committee 

 considered that there were two sources of sup- 

 ply to the existing strength of the army : first, 

 by the abolition of all details between eighteen 

 and forty -five years of age; and, secondly, by 

 the consolidation of existing regiments, and the 

 reduction to the ranks of ah 1 officers without 

 commands in the field. In their opinion some 

 exceptions were required in the first measure, 

 in order to exempt a limited number of skilled 

 mechanics and citizens, indispensable in pro- 

 ducing materials of war in Government estab- 

 lishments. It was proposed to fill the places 

 of able-bodied white men engaged in any sort 

 of labor in or out of the army, with slaves, and 

 to give an unlimited power of detail for all 





