PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. 



719 



conference between our commissioners and Mr. Lin- 

 coln, as recently reported to you, it would be dis- 

 pelled by a recent occurrence, of which it is proper 

 you should be informed. 



Congress will remember that, in the conference 

 above referred to, our commissioners were informed 

 that the Government of the United States would not 

 enter into any agreement or treaty whatever with 

 the Confederate States, nor with any single State ; 

 and that the only possible mode of obtaining peace 

 was by laying down our arms, disbanding our forces, 

 . and yielding unconditional obedience to the laws of 

 the United States, including those passed for the 

 confiscation of our property and the constitutional 

 amendment for the abolition of slavery. It will fur- 

 ther be remembered that Mr. Lincoln declared that 

 the only terms on which hostilities could cease were 

 those stated in his message of December last, in 

 which we were informed, that in the event of our 

 penitent submission, he would temper justice with 

 mercy, and that the question whether we would be 



foverned as dependent territories, or permitted to 

 ave a representation in their Congress, was one on 

 which he could promise nothing, out which would 

 be decided by their Congress after our submission 

 had been accepted. 



It has not, however, been hitherto stated to you 

 that in the course of the conference at Fortress Mon- 

 roe, a suggestion was made by one of our commis- 

 sioners that the objections entertained by Mr. Lincoln 

 to treating with the Government of the Confederacy, 

 or with any separate State, might be avoided by sub- 

 stituting for the usual mode of negotiating through 

 commissioners, or other diplomatic agents, the 

 method sometimes employed, of a military conven- 

 tion, to be entered into by the commanding generals 

 of the armies of the two belligerents. This, he ad- 

 mitted, was a power possessed by him, though it 

 was not thought commensurate with all the ques- 

 tions involved. As he did not accept the suggestion 

 when made, he was afterwards requested to recon- 

 sider his conclusion upon the subject of a suspension 

 of hostilities, which he agreed to do, but said that 

 he had maturely considered of the plan, and had de- 

 termined that it could not be done. 



Subsequently, however, an interview with General 

 Longstreet was asked for by General Ord, command- 

 ing the enemy's Army of the James, during which 

 General Longstreet was informed by him that there 

 was a possibility of arriving at a satisfactory adjust- 

 ment of the present unhappy difficulties by means 

 of a military convention, and that if General' Lee de- 

 sired an interview on the subject it would not be 

 declined, provided General Lee had authority to act. 

 This communication was supposed to be the conse- 

 quence of the suggestion referred to, and General 

 Lee, according to instructions, wrote to General 

 Grant, on the 2d of this month, proposing to meet 

 him for conference on the subject, and stating that 

 he was vested with the requisite authority. General 

 Grant's reply stated that he had no authority to ac- 

 cede to the proposed conference ; that his powers 

 extended only to making a convention on subjects 

 purely of a military character, and that General 

 Ord could only have meant that an interview would 

 not be refused on any subject on which he (General 

 Grant) had the right to act. 



It thus appears that neither with the Confederate 

 authorities, nor the authorities of any State, nor 

 through the commanding generals, will the Govern- 

 ment of the United States treat or make any terms 

 or agreement whatever for the cessation of hos- 

 tilities. There remains then for us no choice but to 

 continue this contest to a final issue ; for the people 

 of the Confederacy can be but little known to him 

 -who supposes it possible they would ever consent to 

 purchase, at the cost of degradation and slavery, 

 permission to live in a country garrisoned by their 

 own negroes and governed by officers sent by the 

 conqueror to rule over them. 



Having thus fully placed before you the informa- 

 tion requisite to enable you to judge of the state of 

 the country, the dangers to which we are exposed, 

 and the measures of legislation needed for averting 

 them, it remains for me but to invoke your attention, 

 to the consideration of those means by which, above 

 all others, we may hope to escape the calamities that 

 would result from our failure. Prominent, above all 

 others, is the necessity for earnest and cordial co- 

 operation between all departments of government, 

 State and Confederate, and all eminent citizens 

 throughout the Confederacy. To you especially, as 

 Senators and Representatives, do the people look 

 for encouragement and counsel. To your action, 

 not only in legislative halls, but in your homes, will 

 their eyes be turned for the example of what is be- 

 fitting men who, by willing sacrifices on the altar 

 of freedom, show that they are worthy to enjoy its 

 blessings. I feel full confidence that you will con- 

 cur with me in the conviction that your public duties 

 will not be ended when you shall have closed the 

 legislative labors of the session, but that your voice 

 will be heard cheering and encouraging the people 

 to that persistent fortitude which they have hitherto 

 displayed, and animating them by the manifestation 

 of that serene confidence which, in moments of 

 public danger, is the distinctive characteristic of the 

 patriot, who derives courage from his devotion to hia 

 country's destiny, and is thus enabled to inspire the 

 like courage in others. 



Thus united in a common and holy cause, rising 

 above all selfish considerations, rendering all our 

 means and faculties tributary to the country's wel- 

 fare, let us bow submissively to the Divine will, and 

 reverently invoke the blessing of our Heavenly Fa- 

 ther, that as He protected and guided our sires when 

 struggling in a similar cause, so He will enable us to 

 guard safely our altars and firesides, and maintain 

 inviolate the political rights which we inherited. 

 JEFFERSON DAYIS. 



RICHMOND, March 13, 1865. 



Report of Lieutenant- General U. S. GRANT, 

 of the operations of the Armies of the United 

 States during the years 1864-'65. 



HEADQUARTERS ARMIES OF THE UNITED STATES, ) 

 WASHINGTON, D. C., July 22, 1S05. ) 



SIR : I have the honor to submit the following re- 

 port of the operations of the armies of the United 

 States from the date of my appointment to command 

 the same : 



From an early period in the rebellion I had been 

 impressed with the idea that active and continuous 

 operations of all the troops that could be brought 

 into the field, regardless of season and weather, 

 were necessary to a speedy termination of the war. 

 The resources of the enemy and his numerical 

 strength were far inferior to ours ; but as an offset 

 to this, we had a vast territory with a population 

 hostile to the Government, to garrison, and long 

 lines of river and railroad communications to pro- 

 tect, to enable us to supply the operating armies. 



The armies in the East and West acted independ- 

 ently and without concert, like a balky team, no two 

 ever pulling together, enabling the enemy to use to 

 great advantage his interior lines of communication 

 for transporting troops from East to West, reenforc- 

 ing the army most vigorously pressed, and to fur- 

 lough large numbers, during seasons of inactivity on 

 our part, to go to their homes and do the work of 

 producing for the support of their armies. It was a 

 question whether our numerical strength and re- 

 sources were not more than balanced by these dis- 

 advantages and the enemy's superior position. 



From the first, I was firm in the conviction that 

 no peace could be had that would be stable and con- 

 ducive to the happiness of the people, both North 



