KEPUBLICAN PARTY. 



3i9 



prepared the way for the presidential contest of 1800, 

 and at the same time consolidated the opposition t 

 the policy of the Democratic parly. The anti-Le- 

 couipton Democracy could not consistently return to 

 the old party, and they were not ready to unite with 

 the lie-publican party, which had refused to adopt the 

 doctrine of "popular sovereignty" advocated by 

 Stephen A. Douglas. This was a feeble compromise, 

 and would have been fatal to the new party. A back- 

 ward step would have caused a division in the party, 

 as it would be a surrender of the principle on which it 

 was founded the non-extension of slavery. In the 

 memorable Douglas-Lincoln debate in 1859 it became 

 evident that popular sovereignty could not be accepted 

 by the Republicans, for the repeal of the Missouri 

 Compromise had placed them in an advanced position. 

 That celebrated discussion and the Kansas troubles did 

 more to consolidate the anti-slavery element than 

 anything which could have happened. The people 

 recognized the irrepressible conflict between freedom 

 and slavery and accepted the words of William H. 

 Sewiu-d that "the United States will, sooner or later, 

 become cither an entirely slave-holding nation or an 

 entirely free-labor nation." 



This wax the condition of national politics when the 

 Democrats met in convention at Charleston, April 23, 

 i860. The Douglas element stood firmly by the doc- 

 trine of popular sovereignty, while an almost solid 

 South stood bv the Died Scott decision. This re- 

 sulted in a double set of resolutions, and that of the 

 Douglas wing was adopted by a majority of 27 votes. 

 After 54 ineffectual ballots the convention adjourned to 

 meet in Baltimore in June, when Douglas was nomi- 

 nated after a split in the convention. Subsequently 

 the Democrats who seceded placed Breckinridge and 

 Lane on their ticket, and thus the Democracy were ir- 

 reconcilably divided. 



After the adjournment of the convention at Charles- 

 ton, and prior to its assembling at Baltimore, the Re- 

 publicans held their nominating convention at Chicago. 

 All the Northern States were fully represented, with 

 partial delegations from Delaware. Maryland, Ken- 

 tucky, Missouri, Virginia, with a few delegates from 

 other Southern States. The proceedings at Charles- 

 ton presaged a divided Democracy and a Republican 

 victory- The elections of 1X56 showed such Republi- 

 can strength, with the accessions of fouryears, that the 

 rupture at Charleston made it almost certain that the 

 nominee at Chicago would be elected. 



In their convention the Republicans confirmed the 

 platform of 1856, and in view_ of recent events pro- 

 nounced more decidedly against the extension of 

 slavery in the Territories. It also advocated a tariff 

 that would stimulate and protect home industries, and 

 it embraced other economic questions. 



The platform of 1800 contains the following resolu- 

 tions or " planks: " 



7. That the new dogma, that the Constitution, of ill own 

 force, curries slavery into any or all of the Territories of the 

 United Stales, is a dangerous political heresy, at variance 

 with the explicit provisions of that instrument itself, with 

 contemporaneous exposition, and with legislative anil judi- 

 cial precedent is revolutionary in its tendency, and sub- 

 versive of the peace and harmony of the country. 



8. That the normal condition of all the territory ot the 

 United States is that of freedom ; that as our republican 

 fathers, when they had abolished slaverv in all our national 

 territory, ordained that "no person shall hedeprived of life, 

 liberty or property, without due process of law," it becomes 

 onrdbly, bv legislation, whenever such legislation is neces- 

 sary, to maintain this provision of the Constitution against 

 all attempts to violate it; and we deny the authority of 

 Congress, of a territorial legislature, or of any individuals, 

 to give legal existence to slavery in any Territory of tha 

 United States. 



11. That Kansas honld, of right, be immediately admitted 

 as a State under tlie constitution recently formed and 

 adopted by her people, anil accepted by the House of Rep- 

 resentatives. 



12. That, while providing revenue for the support of the 



general government by duties upon imports, sonnd policy 

 requires such an adjustment ot these imports as to encour- 

 age the development of the industrial interests of the whole 

 country; anil we commend that policy of national ex- 

 changes which secures to the working men liberal wages, to 

 agriculture remunerative prices, tu mechanics and mnnufuc- 

 I lurers an adequate reward for their skill, labor, and enter- 

 ! prise, and to the uatiou commercial prosperity and inde- 

 pendence. 



The election of Abraham Lincoln was a still greater 

 triumph, from the fact that the Republicans secured 

 both branches of Congress, and this intensified public 

 feeling in the South. As a final attempt to compro- 

 mise in the interest of slavery, Congress on March 2, 

 1861, passed a joint resolution proposing an amend- 

 ment to the Constitution that " No amendment shall be 

 made to the Constitution which will give to Congress 

 the power to abolish or interfere within any State, 

 with the domestic institutions thereof, including that 

 of persons held to labor or service by the laws of said 

 State. " Pres. Lincoln in his inaugural address expressed 

 his satisfaction at such an amendment. Ohio and 

 Maryland immediately ratified the measure, but no 

 other States took action on it. It came too late, for 

 Recession was already sweeping over the Southern 

 States. 



Lincoln sought to calm the storm by promising pro- 

 tection to all the Suites, and bv assuring the people 

 that the security of none should be endangered, but 

 the bombardment of Fort Sumter was the response, 

 and its surrender in April, 1801, notified the people 

 that rebellion and civil war had begun. On the 15th 

 of April the President issued a call for 75.000 troops, 

 and the controversy which legislation had failed to set- 

 tle was to be decided by force of arms. Through the 

 efforts of the anti-slavery element, compensated eman- 

 cipation_ had removed slavery from the District of 

 Columbia, and Pres. Lincoln in order to keep 

 the " Border States " from joining the South proposed 

 the same policy to them. But the practicability and 

 even the constitutionality of the plan was questioned, 

 and Congress took no action on tne proposal. 



The President's call for troops was responded to by 

 all the Northern States, but evaded or refused by the 

 "Border States." Some complied under certain con- 

 ditions, such as for home defence. The battle of Bull 

 Run and the defeat of the Union army in July, 1861, 

 intensified the war feeling on both sides, and Mr. 

 Lincoln's administration was sustained by Congress in 

 providingfor the emergency. It then authorized the 

 enlistment of 500,000 volunteers ; in July, 1862. there 

 was a call for 300,000 and in August following 

 a draft for 300,000 more was ordered^ In June, 1 863. 

 100,000 men were called for to resist invasion of Penn- 

 sylvania and other loyal States ; in October, a call for 

 300,000- in February, 1864, a draft for 500,000; in 

 March following, an additional draft for 200,000, and 

 in April of the same year 85,000 one hundred days' 

 men were accepted. 



The Republicans were the distinctive war party, and 

 they gave support to the demands made by Sir. Lincoln 

 and his cabinet. Southern Senators and Representa- 

 tives had left their scats in Congress and joined in 

 the rebellion, and hence a large majority of those 

 who remained were in harmony with the administra- 

 tion. As a rule, what the President asked for was 

 granted. He desired to make the war short and de- 

 cisive, and when he asked Congress for 400,000 men 

 and $400,000,000 it added one-fourth to each request. 

 Thus the Republican party was as fully the war party 

 during the rebellion as the Whigs were in the Revo- 

 lutionary war, or the Democrats in the war with 

 Mexico, and in each instance they were sustained by 

 the majority sentiment of the country. This truth is 

 stamped on ahnost every war measure, and certainly 

 on everv political measure, incident to the rebellion. 



The Thirty-seventh Congress is of historic note be- 

 cause of the era it marks, and also because it coiicen ' 



