H4 Cosmopolitan cities 



Syracuse had become the one great centre of what remained of Greek 

 power in that island. But, what with incorporation of foreign mer- 

 cenaries and enfranchisement of slaves, what with massacres of Greek 

 citizens, the population of Syracuse was a mongrel mob. Such, if in 

 a less degree, were the populations of the new cities of the kings. 

 There was nothing national about them. In some, for instance 

 Alexandria, a rabble wavering between apathy and ferocity was a 

 subject of concern to the government. Others were more noted as 

 centres of industry: such were some of those in Asia Minor. But 

 common to them all was the condition, a momentous change from a 

 Greek point of view, of dependence. They were not states, with a 

 policy of their own, but parts of this or that kingdom. However little 

 their overlord might interfere with their internal affairs, still it was he, 

 not they, that stood in relation to the world outside. They were not 

 independent: but as a rule they were prosperous. In the new world 

 of great state-units they filled a necessary place, and beside them the 

 remaining state-cities of the older Greek world were for the most part 

 decaying. These for their own protection had to conform their policy 

 to that of some greater power. Patriotism had little material in which 

 to find expression : apathy and cosmopolitan sentiment were the in- 

 evitable result. Such was in particular the case at Athens, which 

 remained eminent as a centre of philosophic speculation, attracting 

 inquirers and students from all parts. But the 'fierce democraty' of 

 her imperial days was a thing of the past, and she lived upon her 

 former glories and present subservience. 



If academic distinction and cosmopolitanism went easily together, 

 commercial activity was hardly likely to foster jealous state-patriotism 

 of the old sort. The leading centre of commerce in the eastern 

 Mediterranean was Rhodes. The island city was still a state. Its con- 

 venient position as a port of call on the main trade routes gave it 

 wealth. Its usefulness to merchants from all parts enabled it to play 

 off the kings against one another, and to enjoy thereby much freedom 

 of action. Its steady conservative government and its efficient navy 

 made it a welcome check on piracy in time of peace, and a valued ally 

 in war. It was also a considerable intellectual centre. No power was 

 so closely in touch with international questions generally, or so often 

 employed as umpire in disputes. Till an unfortunate blunder at the time 

 of the war with Perseus (168 EC) put an end to their old friendship with 

 Rome, and led to their humiliation, the wise policy of the Rhodians 

 preserved their independence and earned them general goodwill. But 

 it was surely not in a state thriving on trade and traffic that the old 

 narrow Greek patriotism could find a refuge. It is not necessary to 

 refer to more cases in particular. The main point of interest is that in 



