336 



GREAT BRITAIN AND IRELAND. 



the Indian taxpayers was moved by Mr. Morley 

 and supported by Sir Henry Fowler, and when it 

 came to a division the normal ministerial majority 

 was reduced by nearly half, the vote being 275 against 

 190. Parliament was prorogued on Aug. 14. 



The Irish Parties. As soon as Parliament 

 met, Justin McCarthy definitely resigned the lead- 

 ership of the anti-Parnellite section of the Irish 

 Nationalist party, and on Feb. 18 John Dillon was 

 elected chairman in his place. At the same time 

 Thomas Sexton, whom the anti-Parnellites vainly 

 invited to be their leader, applied for the steward- 

 ship of the Chiltern Hundreds and retired from 

 active politics. As the result of his refusal, the 

 division in the party became more pronounced un- 

 til, in April, Timothy Hcaly and his followers defi- 

 nitely seceded. The Irish party was thus split up 

 into 3 factions the Dillonites, numbering 42 ; the 

 Healyites, 28; and the Parnellites, under John E. 

 Redmond, 12. In August John Daly, Dr. Thomas 

 Gallagher, Albert George VVhitehead, Thomas De- 

 vany, and other Irish political prisoners were set 

 free. Several of them were broken down mentally 

 and physically by solitary confinement and the 

 rigors of English prison discipline. On Sept. 1 a 

 convention of the Irish race met in Dublin, consist- 

 ing of 2,000 delegates from Great Britain and Ire- 

 land, the United States, Canada, Australasia, South 

 Africa, and other countries. The Healyites and 

 Parnellites held themselves entirely aloof from the 

 convention, in which resolutions were passed urging 

 the Irish factions to cease their quarrels and unite 

 once more into a single party, bound together by 

 the principle of home rule and disciplined under 

 the rule of the majority. The report of a royal 

 commission appointed to examine into the fiscal 

 relations between Ireland and Great Britain raised 

 a fresh Irish question. The commission, in which 

 Conservatives and Liberal Unionists were prepon- 

 derantly represented, reached the conclusion that 

 Ireland is now and has for very many years been 

 paying into the imperial exchequer a sum exceed- 

 ing by 2,500,000 at least the annual amount of 

 taxation that would be proportionate to the wealth 

 and population of the island. In September the 

 London police supposed that they had discovered a 

 dynamite plot, directed presumably against Queen 

 Victoria and the Emperor of Russia, in which Irish 

 Fenians were implicated with anarchists. They 

 caused the arrest, on Sept. 13, in Boulogne, of Pat- 

 rick J. P. Tynan, accused of being the " No. 1 " or 

 chief conspirator in the Dublin plot resulting in 

 the murder of Lord Frederick Cavendish and T. II. 

 Burke, on May 6, 1882. Two Irishmen, named 

 Kearney and Haines, were arrested at Antwerp; 

 and Edward J. Ivory, a native of New York, travel- 

 ing under the name of Edward Bell, was arrested 

 in Glasgow. The French Government refused to 

 extradite, because the evidence of his identity with 

 " No. 1 " was insufficient, and, if he had been iden- 

 tified as the same person, proof was lacking that he 

 participated in the Phoenix Park murders, which, 

 moreover, were now covered by prescription. In 

 the end Ivory also was discharged. 



Resignation of Lord Rpsebery. When in the 

 autumn the Armenian agitation was renewed in 

 England, and Mr. Gladstone by his letters and 

 other Liberal leaders by their speeches, accused the 

 Conservative Government, of pusillanimity in not 

 attempting to coerce the Sultan singlehanded. Lord 

 Rosebery, who has long felt his position of leader 

 of the Liberal party irksome for a peer, and had 

 before sought to resign, announced on Oct. 7 his 

 decision to relinquish the responsibility definitively 

 for the reason that he could not countenance the 

 policy urged by Mr. Gladstone and a considerable 

 mass of the Liberal party, and desired to resume 



his liberty of action and speak his mind freely on 

 the Eastern question. This he did later, pointing 

 out that independent action would be likely to 

 plunge England into war without support from 

 any quarter, and that the first effect would be the 

 destruction of the Armenians. 



International Workers' Congress. A Con- 

 gress of International Socialist Workers and Trade 

 Unions that met in London on July 27, and sat six 

 days, was greatly divided and disturbed during the 

 first three days by the dissensions of different schools 

 of social theorists and politicians. About 800 dele- 

 gates were present, representing all the principal 

 industrial countries. The previous congress, in 

 Zurich, had resolved that anarchists should not be 

 admitted, and had excluded delegates holding cre- 

 dentials from societies that professed revolutionary 

 doctrines and condemned political and constitu- 

 tional action. The anarchists sought admission 

 again to the London congress in great force, hav 

 ing this time secured their mandates from the syn- 

 dical chambers or trade unions of France, Italy, 

 and Spain, in many of which they form the ma- 

 jority. The socialists in France, who are repre- 

 sented prominently and numerously in the French 

 Chamber of Deputies and in the municipal councils 

 of the cities, in several of which they have elected 

 the mayors, are the preponderant element among 

 the working people of the country, while trade- 

 unionism, often tinged with anarchism, has little 

 influence. In England, on the contrary, the trade- 

 unionists dominate the working classes, and social- 

 ism is numerically weaker. Owing to the fact, 

 however, that the Social Democratic Federation of 

 the Independent Labor party has a multitude of 

 branches, while the trade unions are great societies 

 embracing in some cases many thousand workers, 

 the British socialist organizations were able to send 

 262 delegates to the congress, when there were only 

 185 direct representatives of the trade unions. The 

 leaders of the Social Democratic Federation decided 

 to give as many offices to the trade-unionists as to 

 the socialists, but this policy was not carried out 

 by their followers, who elected an overwhelming 

 number of socialists as officials and members of 

 commissions. Jules Guesde and M. Deville pro- 

 posed in the French delegation that no anarchist 

 should be allowed to sit as a delegate of any labor 

 organization, putting a forced interpretation on the 

 Zurich resolution that was not acceptable to the 

 delegation, which rejected it by 57 to 56 votes. 

 Thereupon 47 of the French socialists left the room. 

 These representatives of the French Collectivists, 

 Including most of the deputies and municipal coun- 

 cilors, formed themselves into a second French 

 section, which was recognized by the congress. M. 

 Vaillant and the Blanquists, while disclaiming 

 anarchist principles, remained with the French 

 majority, of whom not m'ore than 20 were genuine" 

 anarchists. When the question of the admission of 

 representatives of anarchist bodies arose in the 

 congress their cause was supported by a large 

 number of the French trade-unionists and of the 

 delegates belonging to the English Independent 

 Labor party. The advocates of anarchism were at 

 last excluded. In framing rules for the next con- 

 gress it was desired, to avoid a repetition of the 

 contest, to disqualify anarchists who manage to 

 secure mandates from foreign trade unions. The 

 British Social Democratic Federation proposed to 

 exclude all trade unions that did not subscribe to 

 the entire socialist programme, but the foreign del- 

 egations as well as the British trade-unionists ob- 

 jected to the exclusion of the powerful British trade 

 unions that still condemn socialism. The rule that 

 was finally adopted states that the next congress 

 will be open only to the following two classes : 1, 



