MrKINLKY. WILLIAM. 



4:;T 



mit to be done, that which could even be ground 

 for any one to suspect that I wavered in my loyalty 

 to < ihio, or my devotion to the chief of her ci; 

 and the chief of mine. I do not request. I demand, 

 that no delegate who would not cast retlection upon 

 me shall ca-t a ballot for me." The effect on the 



ntion was as he intended; no honorable man 

 could fail to respect his demand: but the ]<} 

 from the country for his nomination was by no 

 means abated. The convention adjourned until 

 Monday, and Saturday and Sunday groups of dele- 

 were constantly meeting and resolving to 

 support him. The Connecticut and New ,1 

 delegations both determined to vote for him unani- 

 mously : but he went to their rooms and. in the words 



[legate, implored them "almost with teal's in 

 his eyes " not to do so. His labors for Sherman 

 were incessant and effective, but while he could not 

 :nplish his friend's nomination, he did preserve 

 his own integrity and increase the general respect 

 and confidence of the people in himself. He did 

 not consider the matter in the light, as the news- 

 papers stated it. of " casting aside a crown." but as 

 the only course that true rectitude admitted. To 

 one who suggested that he had done as noble a 

 thing as was ever known in politics, he simply 

 asked. " Is it such an honorable thing not to do a 

 dishonorable act f " and from that standpoint only 

 did he view it. Although Congress remained in 



11 through most of the campaign, he never- 

 theless spoke throughout the country as widely and 

 frequently as his official duties admitted. His best 

 address, perhaps, was at Atlanta. Ga.. where he 

 spoke before the Piedmont Chautauqua Associa- 

 tion. Aug. 21, on the benefits of protection to the 

 South, ever a favorite topic with him. ''The pro- 

 tective system must stand as a whole or fall as a 

 whole." he declared. " As Burke said of liberty, it 

 is the clear right of all or of none. It is only perfect 

 when universal. It must be a protective tariff for 

 all interests requiring the encouragement of the 



rnment, or it must be free trade, or a revenue 

 tariff, and rest alike upon all classes and all por- 

 tions of the country. . . . Men of Georgia, upon 

 this great industrial question there shculd be no 

 North or South. To us of every section the interests 

 of our homes are uppermost ; we have not been 

 intrusted with the care of other nations and other 

 peoples. We will not interfere with them ; we bid 

 them not to interfere with us. In this conflict, in- 

 fluenced by patriotism, National interest, and Na- 

 tional pride, let us be Americans." 



He was for the seventh time nominated and elect ed 

 to Congress in the following November, defeating 

 George P. Ikert by 4.100 votes. The Mills bill j 

 the House, but a substitute was framed and adopted 

 by the Senate, upon which, however, the House de- 

 clined to accede to a committee of conference, and 

 so, with seeming discourtesy, the matter dropped. 

 Major McKinley protested against this action in a 

 speech (Jan. 26. 1*89), in which he pointed out that 

 the revenues could be reduced from S35.000.000 to 

 f 40.000.000 per annum. ' without the majority sur- 

 rendering one jot of their free-trade, or the minor- 

 ity of their protection principles, and still preserve 

 for future settlement the general policy of taxation 

 respectively adhered to by the two parties." 



In the Ohio campaign of 1889 he took an active 

 and prominent part, making about 60 speeches in 

 half as many counties. One of the best of these 

 was on "Protection and Revenue." before a great 

 audience in Cleveland, Oct. ^>. At the organization 

 of the Fifty-first Congress he was a candidate for 

 Speaker, but. although strongly supported, he was 

 beaten on the third ballot in the Republican caucus 

 by Thomas B. Reed. He resumed his place on the 

 Ways and Means Committee, and on the death of 



Judge KelVy. MM. n afterward, became its chair- 

 man. 



Thus devolved upon him, at a most critical junc- 

 ture, the leadership of the HOUM-. under circum- 

 stances of peculiar difficulty, his party having only 

 a nominal majority, and it requiring alway> hearty 

 concord and co-operation to pass any important 

 measure. The minority had resolved upon a policy 

 of obstruction and delay, declaring they would clog 

 the wheels of legislation, and. by refusing to par- 

 ticipate in business, prevent anything being done. 

 They held to the extraordinary doctrine that, though 

 actually present, they were constructively ai 

 whenever they refused to respond to roll call, and 

 could not then be counted to make up a quorum. 

 The Speaker proceeded nevert! unt them, 



and this brought about a bitter contest over the 

 rules of procedure, upon which McKinley spoke 

 (Jan. 30. 1890) with moderation, thoroughness, and 

 strength. and with his usual effectiveness. His argu- 

 ment in favor of the Republican position was pro- 

 nounced the ablest made, and has been character- 

 ized as ' more like the brief of a great lawyer than 

 a speech in a heated political controversy.'' The 

 Republican side had wavered in the first attack of 

 the opposition, but they now rallied solidly to Mc- 

 Kinley's support, and' the cause was won. the 

 Speaker himself heartily thanking him for his great 

 and timely assistance. On April 24, 1890, he spoke 

 in favor of sustaining the civil-service law, to which 

 there was decided opposition. " The Republican 

 party.'' said he, " must take no step backward. The 

 merit system is here, and it is here to stay. We 

 may just as well understand and accept this now. 

 and give our attention to correcting abuses, if any 

 exist, and to improving the law. wherever it can be 

 done, to the advantage of the public service." 



On Dec. 17. 1889, he introduced the first impor- 

 tant tariff measure of the session a bill "to sim- 

 plify the laws in relation to the collection of the 

 revenue." Its object, as explained by him, was " to 

 protect the honest importer in the United States 

 against the unscrupulous and dishonest importer; 

 to protect American producers and dealers from 

 the undervaluations and frauds that had long been 

 practiced upon them-; to take the business of im- 

 porting out of the hands of dishonest men and 

 place it, as it once was, jn the hands of honest 

 agents, factors, and merchants.'' It looked strictly 

 "to the faithful collection of the import duties 

 justly due this country, for it was notorious that 

 for years past, by an iniquitous system of consign- 

 ments and undervaluations, and the establishment 

 of foreign agencies on this side of the Atlantic, there 

 had not been collected by from one fourth to one 

 half of the tariff properly due the United States on 

 the true valuation of the goods and products im- 

 ported." The bill passed the House March 5, and 

 the Senate, as amended. March 20. went to a confer- 

 ence committee, who agreed upon a report that was 

 concurred in. and was approved June 10. 1890. It 

 is known as the "customs administration bill." is 

 s'milar in its provisions to a bill introduced in the 

 Fiftieth Congress, as the outgrowth of a careful, 

 nonpartisan investigation by the Senate Committee 

 on Finance, and has proved a wise and salutary 

 law. Meanwhile (April 16. 1890) he introduced the 

 general tariff measure that has since borne his name, 

 and that for four months had been under constant 

 consideration by the Ways and Means Committee, 

 during which time every interest in the country 

 that had asked for it had been given a hearing. 

 Manufacturers, laborers, merchants, farmers, im- 

 porters, agents and factors, free traders and protec- 

 tionists, all who presented themselves to the com- 

 mittee, were freely, fully, and patiently heard. The 

 minority, equally with the majority, were given 



