

CONFEDERATE STATES. 



217 



ers had scarcely subsided, and the excuse that three of 

 our largest hospitals were forced to do without meat 

 for a day or two at a time had not been forgotten. 



East Tennessee, on which we relied mainly for sup- 

 plies, has fallen into the hands of the enemy. The 

 clamor about impressments and the stoppage of sup- 

 plies on their way to market, still rings in the ears of 

 the Government. The standing crops in entire coun- 

 ties have been impressed at one fell swoop, under the 

 plea that in no other manner could a sufficient supply 

 for the army be certainly secured. Under this system, 

 and because of a real scarcity as well, flour of a low 

 grade is selling this day in the Confederate capital at 

 $120 a barrel. It appears, therefore, that the prospect 

 of feeding the army already in the field, much less one 

 twice or thrice its size, is not encouraging. 



The deficiency of labor was such as to en- 

 danger the supply of provisions. The slave re- 

 quired the supervision of the white man at all 

 times, and especially when an unusual amount 

 of work was demanded of him. Women, lads, 

 and old men cannot make him work effectually. 

 "Whereas the fears of an insurrection, arising 

 from the absence of the greater portion of the 

 white able-bodied men, produced a leniency 

 and indulgence among the farmers, which en- 

 couraged the idleness of the slave, and resulted 

 in a yearly decrease of the crops. The scarci- 

 ty of horses and forage was such that the Gov- 

 ernment seized both. 



Enormous losses of muskets and cannon took 

 place at Vicksburg, at Chattanooga, and Get- 

 tysburg, so that there was left a bare suffi- 

 ciency to supply the wants, and to make good 

 the annual wear and destruction, without fur- 

 nishing any to new troops. The supply of am- 

 munition often fell short during the year, and 

 when Gen. Lee was in Pennsylvania, Eichmond 

 was so bare that cartridges had to be taken 

 from a portion of the city troops and sent to 

 him. 



During the year no signs of yielding up were 

 exhibited by the Confederate Government, or 

 by the Governments of any of the seceded 

 States. On the question of submission to the 

 Federal Government, no organized body mani- 

 fested any assent, but on the contrary the most 

 determined opposition. Here and there some 

 views were uttered in favor of peace. The fol- 

 lowing letter from Mr. T. Butler King, for- 

 merly in the Federal Congress from Georgia, 

 dated. June 26th, appeared ; but its authenticity 

 is disputed. 



But war must end in peace ; and sooner or later both 

 parties must agree to terms upon which they will lay 

 aside their arms. The events of the past two years 

 should be sufficient to convince every reasonable man, 

 both North and South, that it is impossible for the Fed- 

 eral Government to subjugate our people ; and states- 

 men of the South cannot fail to perceive that the Fed- 

 eral Government cannot abandon the war, except on a 

 restoration of the Union, without danger of the further 

 dismemberment of the nation. 



Then, unless both parties can be influenced by the 

 spirit of compromise and concession, " when," in the 

 language of one of our distinguished senators, "is this 

 struggle to end ? " No man can answer as to the years ; 

 but he may safely answer, " Not until both parties are 

 exhausted and ruined not until the North is reduced 

 to a condition worse than it would have been if she 

 had quietly acquiesced in our separation, and not until 



the South is worse off than she would have been by 

 remaining in the Union under an abolition administra- 

 tion of the Government." 



These considerations would lead me to favor any 

 terms of peace that the South could, with a proper re- 

 gard for her interests and honor, accept. 



The energy, skill, and blood of our lathers helped to 

 achieve and establish the independence of the United 

 States, and our own enterprise, treasure, and states- 

 men have helped to make the nation one of the great- 

 est and most powerful on the globe. We have the 

 same right to enjoy the power and grandeur of that 

 nation as the people of the North. Our States cut the 

 Gordian knot, retired from the Union, and formed a 

 new Government, because, and only because, our rights 

 in the Union, and under the Constitution we have" 

 helped to establish, were denied us. If the people of 

 the North would now concede our rights, and the Fed- 

 eral Government secure them to us, the danger with 

 which we were threatened by remaining in the Union, 

 and the objection we had to it, would be removed, and 

 we might with honor and advantage return to it. 



The Federal Government has proceeded so far with 

 the war that these are the only terms of peace to which 

 we could reasonably expect it to agree ; and I regret 

 to say that I have no expectation that such terms will 

 be proposed, or would be accepted by that Govern- 

 ment while the Presidential chair is occupied by the 

 present abolition incumbent. But if, fortunately, dur- 

 ing his administration, or within a reasonable time af- 

 terward, such terms should be offered, I am free to say 

 that I should prefer their acceptance by our people to 

 the continuance of the war, which must result in the 

 desolation of our country, and the ruin of both North 

 and South. A peace on such terms would be emi- 

 nently honorable to both parties neither could claim 

 the victory while the strength and valor each has ex- 

 hibited would command the respect and admiration of 

 the other. 



To this extent I am a " reconstructionist." But it 

 must not be understood that I would. prefer reconstruc- 

 tion and peace on the terms indicated to a speedy 

 peace recognizing our independence if that were pos- 

 sible ; nor must it be understood that I doubt our abil- 

 ity to achieve our independence if the conflict is con- 

 tinued. But I believe it would be better for ourselves, 

 for our posterity, and for mankind, that we should ac- 

 cept peace with our rights secured within the Union, 

 than to continue the war many years, giving oceans of 

 blood, millions of treasure, and ruining our country, 

 for independence. 



On the 31st of July, a writer of distinction 

 in North Carolina, reviewing in the public 

 press the whole subject of the war, closed as 

 follows : 



The one great demand of the people of this part of 

 the State is peace peace upon any terms that will not 

 enslave and degrade us. They may perhaps prefer 

 that the independence of ihe South should be acknowl- 

 edged, but this they believe cannot now be obtained ; 

 nor, in viewing the situation of affairs, do they see 

 much hope of it in the future. They naturally ask, 

 " If, with no means of recruiting to any extent, we can- 

 not hold our own against the armies which the Yan- 

 kees now have in the field, how can we meet them with 

 their three hundred thousand new levies which will 

 soon be in readiness, while they can keep their army 

 recruited to a great extent, if not up to its maximum 

 number, from adventurers who are constantly arriving 

 in their ports from every country in Europe? " But, 

 if independence cannot be obtained, then they are for 

 any terms that are honorable any terms that do not 

 degrade us. They would be willing to compromise 

 upon the amendment to the Constitution proposed by 

 Mr. Corwin, from the Committee of Twenty-six, per- 

 petuating slavery in the States to which I have before 

 alluded. But in what precise way overtures shall be 

 made, or the movement inaugurated, I leave to wiser 

 men and abler statesmen than myself to propose. 



