218 



CONFEDERATE STATES. 



I would, however, suggest to the people to elect 

 members to the next Congress who are in favor of an 

 armistice of six months, and in the mean time of sub- 

 mitting all matters in dispute to a convention of dele- 

 gates from all the States, North and South, the delegates 

 to be elected by the people themselves, in such man- 

 ner as may be agreed upon by the two parties. Others 

 there are who desire that the people of North Carolina 

 should be consulted in their sovereign capacity through 

 a convention ; thut the Legislature should submit the 

 question of "convention or no convention" to the 

 people, as was done in February, 1861. Such a con- 

 vention would undoubtedly speak the sentiments of 

 the people of the State, citizens as well as soldiers, as 

 all would be consulted. But I propose nothing defi- 

 frite, and only make these suggestions to bring the 

 matter before the public. I would, however, most 

 earnestly appeal to the friends of humanity through- 

 out the btate to use their utmost efforts to procure as 

 speedily as possible an honorable peace. In the name 

 of reason, of suffering humanity, and of the religion 

 which we profess, would I appeal to the public men 

 and statesmen of North Carolina, and especially to 

 that eminent statesman who possesses in a greater de- 

 gree than all others the confidence of the people of the 

 State, and who has recently been elevated to a high 

 place in the Confederate Government, to lend a help- 

 ing hand and use their influence to bring about an 

 honorable peace. And, lastly, I would appeal to the 

 ministers and professors of our holy religion to pray 

 constantly, without dictation of terms, to Almighty 

 God for an honorable peace. 



The military disasters which occurred about 

 this time, and the apparent impotency of the 

 Confederate military power, led to the convic- 

 tion in many minds that independence was un- 

 attainable. The terms of peace upon a basis of 

 reconstruction began to be discussed, and pro- 

 ceeded to much length in North Carolina. But 

 as the friends of reconstruction could promise 

 nothing from the Federal Government except 

 submission and emancipation, and as they pos- 

 sessed the control of no political organization 

 which could sustain their views, they seem to 

 have become finally silent. Such persons as de- 

 sired a return of the Federal Government were 

 speechless^ and kept their views unknown. 

 Numbers took an oath of allegiance, and joined 

 the Federal army in States from which the 

 Confederate forces had been driven. 



Vice-President Stephens, in a speech at 

 Charlotte, North Carolina, on July 17th, thus 

 opposed all views except those in favor of 

 separation. 



The enemy have already appropriated twenty-seven 

 hundred millions of dollars and one million of men for 

 our subjugation, and after two years' war had utterly 

 failed, and if the war continued for two years longer, 

 they would fail to accomplish our subjugation. So far 

 they had not broken the shell of the Confederacy. In 

 the Revolutionary war the British at one time had pos- 

 session of North Carolina, South Carolina, and other 

 States; they took Philadelphia, and dispersed Con- 

 gress, and for a long time held almost complete sway 

 in the Colonies yet they did not conquer our fore- 

 fathers. In the war of 1K12, the British captured the 

 capital of the nation, Washington City, and burnt 

 it, yet they did not conquer us ; and if we are true 

 to ourselves now, true to our birthrights, the Yan- 

 kee nation will utterly fail to subjugate us. Subju- 

 gation would be utter ruin and eternal death to South- 

 ern people, and all that they hold most dear. He ex- 

 horted the people to give the Government a cordial 

 support, to frown down all croakers and grumblers, and 



to remain united and fight to the bitter end for liberty 

 and independence. 



As for reconstruction, said Mr. Stephens, such a 

 thing was impossible such an idea must not be toler- 

 ated for an instant. Reconstruction would not end the 

 war, but would produce a more horrible war than that 

 in which we are now engaged. The only terms on 

 which we can obtain permanent peace are final and com- 

 plete separation from the North. Rather than submit 

 to any thing short of that, let us all resolve to die like 

 men worthy of freedom. 



In regard to foreign intervention, Mr. Stephens ad- 

 vised his hearers to build no hopes on that yet awhile. 

 He did not believe that the leading foreign Powers 

 ever intended that the North and South should be again 

 united they intended that the separation should be 

 permanent, but they considered both sides too strong 

 now, and did not deem it good policy on their part to 

 interfere and put a stop to the war. Foreign nations 

 see that the result of the war will be to establish a des- 

 potism at the North, and are therefore willing to allow 

 it to continue a while longer. 



Mr. Herschel V. Johnson, a candidate for the 

 vice-presidency in 1860, on the same ticket 

 with Senator Douglas, at the time he was elect- 

 ed senator to the Congress at Richmond by the 

 Legislature of Georgia, said : 



There is no step backward. All is now involved in 

 the struggle that is dear to man home, society, lib- 

 erty, honor, everything with the certainty of the most 

 degraded fate that ever oppressed a people if we fail. 

 It is not recorded in history that eight millions of unit- 

 ed people resolved to be free and failed. We cannot 

 yield if we would. Yield to the Federal authorities, 

 never to vassalage and subjugation ! The bleaching 

 bones of one hundred thousand gallant soldiers slain in 

 battle would be clothed in 'tongues of fire to curse to 

 everlasting infamy the man who whispers yield. 



Many other examples might be presented to 

 show that the views of those who held politi- 

 cal power in the Confederate States now ap- 

 peared as decided in favor of absolute inde- 

 pendence as at any previous period. "What 

 other views existed in the minds of the peo- 

 ple then were not expressed in language, nor 

 by public meetings ; hence the indications of 

 them could only be found in the manner in 

 which the measures of the Government were 

 sustained. Dissatisfaction with many of its ac- 

 tions existed, such as the impressment of pro- 

 visions, and the levy en masse, but its ability to 

 enforce these measures showed its power still 

 to control all the resources of the country for 

 the object of independence. The feelings, how- 

 ever, with which the approach of the year 

 1864 was received by the authorities, are ex- 

 pressed in the following language : 



The year 1864, the filling of whose circle will form 

 another stage in the march of time, will also mark a 

 most interesting and critical period in the fortunes of 

 our Confederacy. To the timid the newborn year lowers 

 gloomily. To the prudent there appears cause for anx- 

 ious solicitude; while even heroism itself sees that the 

 tug of war, the crisis of the struggle, is upon us, and 

 that we must prepare ourselves for the tremendous 

 shock. As when the skirmishers are driven in, and 

 the distant cannonade is ended, two great armies rush 

 to the death grapple, and wrestle for the victory, so 

 now the progress of the war has brought us to that 

 final stage in which decisive blows are to be given and 

 received. 



We cannot contemplate the coming of the next and 

 fourth campaign of the pending war without solicitude. 

 We shall be strongly pressed by the enemy. They are 





