CONGRESS, U. S. 



321 



" But every argument for the instant opera- 

 tion of the proclamation ; every consideration 

 in favor of despatch in war, is especially appli- 

 cable to all that is done by Congress as a war 

 measure. In a period of peace, Congress might 

 fitly consider whether emancipation should be 

 immediate or prospective, and we might listen 

 with patience to the instances adduced by the 

 senator from "Wisconsin (Mr. Doolittle) in favor 

 of delay ; to the case of Pennsylvania and to 

 the case of New York, where slaves were tar- 

 dily admitted to their birthright. Such argu- 

 ments, though to my judgment of little value 

 at any time; would then be legitimate. But 

 now, when we are considering how to put 

 down the rebellion, they are not even legiti- 

 mate. There is but one way to put down the 

 rebellion, and that is by instant action ; and all 

 that is done, whether in the field, in the cabi- 

 net, or in Congress, must partake of this char- 

 acter*. Whatever is postponed for twenty years 

 or ten years, may seem to be abstractly politic 

 or wise ; but it is in no sense a war measure, 

 nor can it contribute essentially to the suppres- 

 sion of the rebellion. 



" Now, I think that I may assume, without 

 contradiction, that the proposed tender of 

 money to Missouri for the sake of emancipa- 

 tion is a war measure, to be vindicated as such 

 under the Constitution of the United States. 

 It is also an act of justice to an oppressed race ; 

 but it is not in this unquestionable character 

 that it is' now commended to Congress. If it 

 were urged on no other ground, even if every 

 consideration of philanthropy and of religion 

 pleaded for it with rarest eloquence, I fear that 

 it would stand but little chance in either House 

 of Congress. Let us not disguise the truth. 

 Except as a war measure, in order to aid in 

 putting down the rebellion, this proposition 

 would find little hospitality here. Senators 

 are ready to vote money as the British parlia- 

 ment voted subsidies in order to supply the 

 place of soldiers, or to remove a stronghold of 

 the rebellion ; all of which is done by emanci- 

 pation. I do not overstate the case. Slavery 

 is a stronghold of the rebellion, which, through 

 emancipation, will be removed, while every 

 slave and every slavemaster will become an 

 ally of the Government. Therefore emanci- 

 pation is a war measure, as constitutional as 

 the raising of armies or the occupation of a 

 hostile territory. 



" But in vindicating emancipation as a war 

 measure, we must see that it is made under 

 such conditions as to exercise a present, instant 

 influence against the rebellion. It must be im- 

 mediate, not prospective. In proposing pro- 

 spective emancipation, you propose a measure 

 which can have little or no influence on the 

 war. Senators abstractly may prefer that 

 emancipation should be prospective rather than 

 immediate ; but this is not the time for the ex- 

 ercise of any such abstract preference. What- 

 ever is done as a war measure must be imme- 

 diate, or it will cease to have this character. 

 VOL. in. 21 A 



If made prospective, it will not be a war meas- 

 ure, whatever you may call it. 



" If I am correct in this statement and I 

 do not see how it can be questioned then is 

 the appropriation for immediate emancipation 

 just and proper under the Constitution, while 

 that for prospective emancipation is without 

 any sanction, except what it may find in the 

 sentiments of justice and humanity." 



The bill then passed as follows : 



YEAS Messrs. Anthony, Arnold, Chandler, Clark, 

 Collamer, Doolittle, Foot, Foster, Harlan, Harris, Hen- 

 derson, Howard, Howe, King, Lane of Kansas, Morrill, 

 Pomeroy, Sumner, Trumbull, Wade, Wilkinson, Wil- 

 mot, and Wilson of Massachusetts 23. 



NATS Messrs. Carlile, Cowan, Davis, Fessenden, 

 Grimes, Harding, Kennedy, Lane of Indiana, Latham, 

 McDougall, Nesmith, Powell, Richardson, Saulsbury, 

 Ten Eyck, Turpie, Wall, and Wilson of Missouri 18. 



This bill failed to pass in the House. 



In the House, on the 9th of February, the 

 Committee on Elections reported the follow- 

 ing resolutions : 



Resolved, That Benjamin F. Flanders is entitled to a 

 seat in this House as a Representative from the first 

 congressional district in Louisiana. 



Resolved, That Michael Hahn is entitled to a seat in 

 this House as a Representative from the second dis- 

 trict in Louisiana. 



Mr. Dawes: "I ask the attention of the 

 House, for a few moments, to a statement of 

 what the committee has submitted in detail in 

 a report in support of these resolutions. I be- 

 lieve the House is aware, without any sugges- 

 tion from me, that more than ordinary import- 

 ance is attached to the consideration of this 

 subject. It is not simply whether these two 

 gentlemen shall be permitted to occupy seats 

 in the House for the remainder of the session 

 now so near its close. The question whether 

 they shall be admitted involves the principles 

 touching the present state of the country, to 

 which the Committee of Elections has had oc- 

 casion, more than once, to call the attention of 

 the House. 



" Certain principles were adopted by this 

 committee early in this Congress in other cases, 

 involving to a great extent the same questions 

 that are involved in this case. They were sub- 

 mitted to the House in reports and in remarks 

 more fully explaining them, and they have 

 been adopted by the House hitherto without 

 any exception, I believe. In conformity with 

 those principles, the committee has felt bound 

 to report these resolutions to the House, and 

 the question now comes up whether any reason 

 exists, either in the intrinsic unsoundness of 

 the positions thus assumed or in any change in 

 the condition of public affairs, that requires of 

 the House any departure from those rules and 

 principles. It is because it has appeared to the 

 committee that an adherence to these princi- 

 ples is vitally important in settling the question 

 how there is to be a restoration of this Union 

 when this war shall be drawn to a close, that 

 the committee has adhered with earnestness 





