354 



DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE. 



Great Britain, France, and Spain, all virtually, and 

 the two first named powers avowedly, moving in con- 

 cert. While I cannot confess to a fear on the part of 

 this Government that any one or all of the maritime 

 powers combining with the insurgents could over- 

 throw it, yet it would have been manifestly presump- 

 tuous, at any time since this distraction seized the 

 American people, to have provoked such an interven- 

 tion, or to have spared any allowable means of pre- 

 venting it. The unceasing efforts of this department 

 in that direction have resulted from this ever-present 

 consideration. If in its communications the majestic 

 efforts of the Government to subdue the insurrection, 

 and to remove the temptation which it offered to for- 

 eign powers, have not figured so largely as to impress 

 my correspondents with the conviction that the Presi- 

 dent relies always mainly on the national power, and 

 not on the forbearance of those who it is apprehended 

 may become its ene_mies, it is because the duty of 

 drawing forth and directing the armed power of the 

 nation has rested upon distinct departments, while to 

 this one belonged the especial duty of holding watch 

 against foreign insult, intrusion, and intervention. 

 With these general remarks I proceed to explain the 

 President's views in regard to the first of the two 

 questions mentioned, namely, the attitude of France in 

 regard to the civil war in the United States. 



We know from many sources, and even from the 

 Emperor's direct statement, that, on the breaking out 

 of the insurrection, he adopted the current opinion of 

 European statesmen that the efforts of this Govern- 

 ment to maintain and preserve the Union would be 

 unsuccessful. To this prejudgment we attribute his 

 agreement with Great Britain to act in concert with 

 her upon the questions which might arise out of the 

 insurrection ; his concession of a belligerent character 

 to the insurgents ; his repeated suggestions of accom- 

 modation by this Government with the insurgents; 

 and his conferences on the subject of a recognition. 

 It would be disingenuous to withhold an expression 

 of the national conviction that these proceedings of 

 the Emperor have been very injurious to the United 

 States, by encouraging and thus prolonging the insur- 

 rection. On the other hand, no statesman of this 

 country is able to conceive of a reasonable motive, on 

 the part of either France or the Emperor, to do or to 

 wish injury to the United States. Every statesman of. 

 the United States cherishes a lively interest in the 

 welfare and greatness of France, and is content that 

 she shall enjoy peacefully and in unbounded prosperity 

 the administration of the Emperor she has chosen. 

 We have not an acre of territory or a port which we 

 think France can wisely covet ; nor has she any pos- 

 session that we could accept if she would resign it into 

 our hands. Nevertheless, when recurring to what the 

 Emperor has already done, we cannot, at any time, 

 feel assured that, under mistaken impressions of our 

 exposure, he might not commit himself still further 

 in the way of encouragement and aid to the insurgents. 

 We know their intrigues in Paris are not to be lightly 

 regarded. While the Emperor has held an unfavor- 

 able opinion of our national strength and unity, we, 

 on the contrary, have as constantly indulged entire 

 confidence in both. Not merely the course of events, 

 but that of time, also, runs against the insurgents and 

 reinvigorates the national strength and power. We 

 desire, therefore, that he may have the means of un- 

 derstanding the actual condition of affairs in our coun- 

 try. We wish to avoid anything calculated to irritate 

 France, or to wound the just pride and proper sensi- 

 bilities of that spirited nation, and thus to free our 

 claim to her forbearance, in our present political 

 emergency, from any cloud of passion or prejudice. 

 Pursuing this course, the President hopes that the 

 prejudgment of the Emperor against the stability of 

 the Union may the sooner give way to convictions 

 which will modify his course, and bring him back 

 again to the traditional friendship which he found ex- 

 isting between this country and his own, when, in 

 obedience to her voice, he assumed the reins of empire. 

 These designs and purposes do not imply either a fear 



of French hostility, or any neglect of a prudent pos- 

 ture of national self-reliance. 



The subject upon which I propose to remark, in the 

 second place, is the relation of France toward Mexico. 

 The United States hold, in regard to Mexico, the same 

 principles that they hold in regard to all other nations. 

 They have neither a right nor a disposition to inter- 

 vene by force in the internal affairs of Mexico, whether 

 to establish and maintain a republic or even a domes- 

 tic government there, or to overthrow an imperial or 

 a foreign one, if Mexico chooses to establish or accept 

 it. The United States have neither the right nor the 

 disposition to intervene by force on either side in the 

 lamentable war which is going on between France and 

 Mexico. On the contrary, they practise in regard to 

 Mexico, in every phase of that war, the non-interven- 

 tion which they require all foreign powers to observe 

 in regard to the United States. But, notwithstanding 

 this self-restraint, this Government knows full wefi 

 that the inherent normal opinion of Mexico favors a 

 government there republican in form and domestic in 

 its organization, in preference to any monarchical in- 

 stitutions to be imposed from abroad. This Govern- 

 ment knows, also, that this normal opinion of the peo- 

 ple of Mexico resulted largely from the influence of 

 popular opinion in this country, and is continually in- 

 vigorated by it. The President believes, moreover, 

 that this popular opinion of the United States is just 

 in itself, and eminently essential to the progress of 

 civilization on the American continent, which civil- 

 ization, it believes, can and will, if left free from Eu- 

 ropean resistance, work harmoniously together with 

 advancing refinement on the other continents. This 

 Government believes that foreign resistance, or at- 

 tempts to control American civilization, must and will 

 fail before the ceaseless and ever-increasing activity 

 of material, moral, and political forces, which pecu- 

 liarly belong to the American continent. Nor do the 

 United States deny that, in their opinion, their own 

 safety and the cheerful destiny to which they aspire 

 are intimately dependent on the continuance of free 

 republican institutions throughout America. They 

 have submitted these opinions to the Emperor of 

 France, on .proper occasions, as worthy of his serious 

 consideration, in determining how he would conduct 

 and close what might prove a successful War in Mexi- 

 co. Nor is it necessary to practise reserve upon the 

 point, that if France should, upon due consideration, 

 determine to adopt a policy in Mexico adverse to the 

 American opinions and sentiments which I have de- 

 scribed, that policy would probably scatter seeds which 

 would be fruitful of jealousies, which might ultimately 

 ripen into collision between France and- the United 

 States and other American republics. An illustration 

 of this danger has occurred already. Political rumor, 

 which is always mischievous, one day ascribes to 

 France a purpose to seize the Rio Grande, and wrest 

 Texas from the United States ; another day rumor ad- 

 vises us to look carefully to our safety on the Missis- 

 sippi ; another day we are warned of coalitions to be 

 formed, under French patronage, between the regency 

 established in Mexico and the insurgent cabal at Ki< h 

 mond. The President apprehends none of these things. 

 He does not allow himself to be disturbed by 

 cions so unjust to France and so unjustifiable in thorn 

 selves; but he knows, also, that such suspicious will 

 be entertained more or less extensively by this coun- 

 try, and magnified in other countries equally unfriend" 

 ly'to France and to America; and he knows, also, 

 that it is out of such suspicions that the fatal \\ 

 national animosity is most frequently woven. He br- 

 lieves that the Lmperor of France must experu'm 

 desires as earnest as our own for the preseryat 

 that friendship between the two nations which is s ) 

 full of guarantees of their common prosperity an>l 

 safety. Thinking this, the President would be want- 

 ing in fidelity to France, as well as to our own coun- 

 try, if he did not converse with the Emperor wit i 

 entire sincerity and friendship upon the attitude 

 which France is to assume in regard to Mexico. The 

 statements made to you by M. Drouyn de 1'Huys, coi 



