EUROPEAN CONGRESS. 



391 



Therefore I am ready, without any preconceived 

 system, to bring to an International Council the spirit 

 of moderation and justice, the usual portion of those 

 who have endured so many various trials. 



If I take the initiative in such an overture, I do not 

 yield to an impulse of vanity ; but as I am the sov- 

 ereign to whom ambitious projects are most attributed, 

 I have it at heart to prove by this frank and loyal step 

 that my sole object is to arrive without a shock at the 

 pacification of Europe. If this proposition be favor- 

 ably received, I pray you to accept Paris as the place 

 of meeting. 



In case the princes, allies and friends of France, 

 should think proper to heighten by their presence the 

 authority of the deliberations, I shall be proud to offer 

 thenTfcny cordial hospitality. Europe would see, per- 

 haps, some advantage in the capital from which the 

 signal for subversion has so often been given becom- 

 ing the scat of the conferences destined to lay the basis 

 of a general pacification. 



I take advantage of this opportunity to renew to 

 you the assurance of my sincere attachment and of 

 the lively interest which I take in the prosperity of 

 the States of the Confederation. Whereupon, most 

 high and illustrious Sovereign Princes and Free 

 States which constitute the most exalted German 

 Confederation, I pray God to have you in His holy 

 keeping. 



Written at Paris on the 4th of November, in the 

 year of grace 1863. NAPOLEON. 



Countersigned, DROUYN DE L'HUYS. 



The reception of the proposal of the Empe- 

 ror in England was generally unfavorable. 

 England could not expect any territorial ag- 

 grandizement from the Congress, but only the 

 loss of her European dependencies, and, in 

 particular, Gibraltar. The press almost unani- 

 mously discouraged the participation in a Con- 

 gress. The formal acknowledgment of the 

 imperial proposal was returned on November 

 llth by the Secretary of State for Foreign 

 Affairs, and it was succeeded on the following 

 day by another despatch addressed to Lord 

 Cowley, the British minister at Paris. In this 

 despatch Earl Russell states that in the view 

 of the British Government the main provisions 

 of the treaty of Vienna are in full force. As 

 to those changes which have been made in 

 Europe in disregard of the treaty of Vienna, 

 and for which the sanction of the great powers 

 has not been obtained, was it proposed by 

 France to obtain that recognition? Again, 

 other portions of the treaty of Vienna are 

 menaced, and upon these the most important 

 questions arise. The French Government was 

 asked to state the nature of the proposals to 

 be made on this subject by the Emperor, in 

 what direction they would tend, and whether, 

 if agreed to by a majority of the powers, they 

 were to be enforced by arms. The practice of 

 the Holy Alliance at the Congress of Vienna 

 was recalled to mind, and the French Govern- 

 ment was asked whether that example was to 

 be followed at the present Congress in case of 

 disagreement. " Upon all these points," Earl 

 Russell wrote, u Her Majesty's Government 

 must obtain satisfactory explanations before 

 they can come to any decision upon the pro- 

 posal made by the Emperor." At the same 

 time it was observed that whatever doubts the 

 Queen's Government entertained referred only 



to the best means of attaining objects equally 

 desired by both Governments. 



The reply of M. Drouyn de 1'Huys is dated 

 November 23d. The French minister says ; 



The Imperial Government have no intention either 

 to apologize for or to criticise the treaties of Vienna. 

 The Emperor declared on mounting the throne that 

 he should consider himself bound by the engagements 

 subscribed to by his predecessors. Lately again, in 

 his letter to the sovereigns, His Majesty showed that 

 the diplomatic acts of 1815 were the foundation on 

 which rests to-day the political edifice of Europe. 

 But this is, he considers, an additional reason for ex- 

 amining whether this foundation is not itself shaken 

 to its base. Now, the Cabinet of London recognizes 

 with us that several of these stipulations have been 

 seriously infringed. Amongst the modifications which 

 have taken place, some have been consecrated by the 

 sanction of all the great powers, and at present con- 

 stitute a part of international law ; others, on the con- 

 trary, carried into execution, have not been recog- 

 nized as law by all the cabinets. As regards the first, 

 we cannot help calling attention to the irresistible 

 power with which they have forced themselves on the 

 acceptance of the governments. The eagerness of 

 England herself to give them her adhesion proves 

 how little the former combinations answered, accord- 

 ing to the expression of Earl Kussell, the require- 

 ments of the lapse of time, the progress of opinion, 

 the shifting policy of governments, and the varying 

 exigencies of nations ; on the other hand, are not we 

 authorized in believing that changes so important 

 have diminished to some extent the harmony and 

 equilibrium of the whole? We admit, with Earl 

 Eussell, that it is not absolutely necessary to give to 

 these changes a more general and more solemn sanc- 

 tion ; but we consider it would be an' advantage to 

 clear away the ruins, and re-unite in a single body all 

 the living members. As regards the modifications to 

 which the powers have not given an unanimous assent, 

 they constitute so many causes of dispute which at 

 any moment may divide Europe into two camps. In- 

 stead of leaving the decision of these to violence and 

 chance, would it not be better to pursue their equi- 

 table solution to a common agreement, and sanction 

 these changes by revising them ? 



M. Drouyn de 1'Huys goes on to say that the 

 Emperor must go into a Congress "free of 

 every engagement." To preserve his impar- 

 tiality toward the many sovereigns he has 

 invited, he must decline offering previous ex- 

 planations to any of them. He then briefly 

 reviews the " deplorable struggle " in Poland, 

 the " quarrel " between Denmark and Germany, 

 the anarchy prevailing on the Lower Danube, 

 the hostile attitude of Austria and Italy, the 

 occupation of Rome by French troops, the 

 burden imposed upon the nations of Europe by 

 the disproportionate armaments occasioned by 

 mutual distrust, and designates these as the 

 principal questions which the powers would 

 doubtless judge it useful to examine and de- 

 cide. He adds, that in the 'eyes of France it 

 would be illusory to pursue their solution 

 through the labyrinth of diplomatic corre- 

 spondence and separate negotiation, and that 

 the way now proposed, so far from ending in 

 war, is the only one which can lead to a dura- 

 ble pacification. M. Drouyn de 1'Huys refers 

 to the opinion expressed by the Earl of Claren- 

 don at one of the last meetings of the Congress 

 of Paris, and concurred in by the plenipoten- 

 tiaries of all the courts, that states between 



