456 



GREAT BRITAIN. 



in better faith its neutrality, remonstrated in 

 strong terms against this unfriendliness in the 

 treatment of a power with whom its rela- 

 tions had hitherto been so intimate and cordial, 

 and gave notice of its intention to make re- 

 clamation for all losses occurring to American 

 citizens through the destruction by the Alabama. 

 On the other hand the ship owners, many of 

 them engaged in blockade running, had been 

 subjected by Adm. Wilkes and other American 

 commanders to so rigid a scrutiny of their ves- 

 sels, under the right of visitation and search, 

 which, following British precedent, had been 

 most rigorously exercised, and had so often 

 had them seized when their real destination dif- 

 fered from their professed ones, that they con- 

 stantly besieged the British Ministry with ap- 

 peals for the recognition of the Southern Con- 

 federacy, and for forcible seizure of American 

 property to reimburse their losses. Two inci- 

 dents, occurring about this time, added to the 

 excitement. The Peterhoff, a new iron steam- 

 er, very fast, and having a'valuable cargo on 

 board, was overhauled by the American cruis- 

 ers, and though her ostensible destination was 

 Matamoras, Mexico, yet the character of her car- 

 go and the evidence afforded by her papers was 

 so conclusive of the intention of her officers to 

 run the blockade, that she was captured, and 

 sent into New York for trial and condemnation 

 in the prize court. Her owners in England 

 protested that she was engaged in a lawful voy- 

 age, and besought the British Goverment to in- 

 terfere. Her mails were seized, but at the re- 

 quest of Lord Lyons were placed in charge of 

 the British Consul at New York, and finally for- 

 warded to their destination. The vessel and 

 cargo, after a very fair and careful trial before 

 the U. S. District Court, were adjudged lawful 

 prize, and sold. (See PBIZE.) During the pen- 

 dency of this case, a shipping house in England, 

 Messrs. Howell & Zirman, one at least of the 

 firm an American citizen, being about to des- 

 patch a vessel with cargo intended for the Mex- 

 icans, applied to Hon. Charles Francis Adams, 

 the American Minister in England, for a certi- 

 ficate of their real design, to be placed in the 

 hands of their captain, to secure them from 

 capture if overhauled by one of the block- 

 ading squadron. Mr. Adams gave them the 

 following : 



LIOATIOX or THK UwtTO) STATES, ) 

 LONDON, April A, 1868. $ 



Amid the multitude of fraudulent and dishonest en- 

 terprises from this kingdom to furnish supplies to the 

 rebels in the United States, through the pretence of a 

 destination to some port in Mexico, it gives me pleas- 

 ure to distinguish one which has a different and a credit- 

 able purpose. Messrs. Howell & Zirman have furnished 

 me with evidence, which is perfectly satisfactory to me, 

 that they are really bound to Matamoras with a cargo 

 intended for the Mexicans. I therefore very cheerfully 

 give them this certificate at their request. It is not the 

 disposition of the Government of the United States to 

 interfere in any way with an honest neutral trade, and 

 it is deeply to be regretted that the frauds which have 

 been so extensively practised in this country have con- 

 tributed so much to throw it under suspicion. 



CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS. 



This letter was made public at Lloyd's, and a 

 deputation of merchants and others interested 

 in the Peterhoff at once brought the matter to 

 the notice of Earl Russell, commenting very se- 

 verely upon the course of the American Minis- 

 ter. The matter was brought up in the House 

 of Lords, and an attempt was made to charge 

 upon Mr. Adams an interference with British 

 commerce, and the giving advantage by his cer- 

 tificates to one British ship over another. Mr. 

 Adams denied any such intention, and stated 

 that he believed himself to have a perfect right 

 to give certificates to American citizens to trade 

 with Mexico, which was all that he had done. 

 Notwithstanding this explanation, Earl Russell, 

 on the 18th of May, in the House of Lords, de- 

 clared his opinion to be that the letter was one 

 which ought never to have been written. The 

 noble earl was indeed in a trying position. His 

 own views may be gathered from the following 

 extract from a speech which he made in the 

 House of Lords on the 23d of March: 



I do not believe those efforts of the Federals will be 

 successful. But no man can say that the war is finally 

 over, or that the independence of the Southern States is 

 established. Well, then, what is the present state of 

 the case? Although great efforts have been made in 

 vain, the great Federal Republic seems unwilling to 

 accept the decision of events. So far from it, we find 

 the last acts of the Congress which has just expired 

 are to place, by conscription, every man fit to carry 

 arms at the disposal of the President of the United 

 States, and to vote sums of money amounting to not 

 less than 180,000,000 sterling for the purpose of carry- 

 ing on the war. Well, then, in this state of affairs, I 

 should say that, looking to the question of right, it 

 would not be a friendly act toward the United States, 

 it would not be to fulfil our obligations to a country 

 with which we have long maintained relations of peace 

 and amity a great country, which says it can still 

 carry on the war it would, I say, be a failure of friend- 

 ship on our part, if at this moment we were to inter- 

 pose and recognize the Southern States. 



I have endeavored to guard myself by saying that I 

 speak now with reference to the present aspect of af- 

 fairs. I hardly know any moment in which my noble 

 friend could have brought forward his motion with less 

 encouragement from events. It may turn out that 

 these immense efforts which are being made shall be 

 made in vain ; that the spirit of the South is uncon- 

 querable as their determination never to be united 

 again with the Northern States is final and irrevocable, 

 and that a time may come when the duty of this coun- 

 try will be totally different from what it'is at the pres- 

 ent moment. All I maintain is, that it is our duty at 

 present to stand still, and not top roceed to an act so 

 definite, so positive an act so unfriendly to the United 

 States, as that of the recognition of the South. 



My noble friend spoke of various topics, of danger 

 of Canada being attacked by the Northern Republic, 

 and of the West Indies being attacked by the Southern. 

 My lords, I cannot follow my noble friend into these 

 suppositions. I do not venture to say what may be 

 the future course of events. I confine myself to that 

 which I think to be our duty now, which I think is 

 right; and, if that be so, we must be content in future 

 days to meet with future dangers, and it will not en- 

 fee'ble our arms if we have it in our power to reflect 

 that we have never failed in our obligations to those 

 which have been great States in peace and amity with 

 us, and that it has not been through any fault of ours 

 that a great affliction has fallen on them. 



But while thus measurably friendly to the 

 United States Government, and at least disposed 



