MARYLAND. 



the 



ay that it is evident, in their opinion, that a 

 party entertaining more ultra views than they 

 would deem it prudent or advisable to sanc- 

 tion demanding peremptory emancipation, 

 without regard to constitutional rights, or even 

 the reasonable convenience of those who have 

 been heretofore, and are now, connected with 

 the institution of slavery in Maryland, have 

 indicated a purpose to make this the para- 

 mount and leading issue in the approaching 

 canvass, at the imminent risk of disturbing the 

 harmony of the Union party. They further 

 say: 



Whatever shape this movement may assume, it 

 ay well be doubted by conservative men, whether 

 :C aggravation of feeling it is certain to produce, 

 may not have the effect of retarding rather than 

 facilitating the object proposed to be accomplished. 

 The only regular and constitutional mode of dealing 

 with a subject like this, is by direct appeal to the peo- 

 ple in the modes which they have chosen to indicate. 

 Any effort to precipitate a more speedy settlement of 

 the question, unless by common consent, is hardly 

 likely to receive the countenance of any large portion 

 of our citizens, whether for or against the institution 

 of slavery in Maryland. This committee canno_t un- 

 derstand in what manner immediate emancipation is 

 proposed to be brought about, unless by the interpo- 

 sition of a power beyond the Constitution and laws of 

 the State. The minority as well as the majority have 

 rights, and they will claim to be heard in the final 

 settlement of this question. We can approach the 

 subject but in one way. 



When a State Convention is called to assemble, it 

 will be time enough to bring up an agitation looking 

 to the fullest interchange of opinion, before the final 

 adoption of any plan, by the only recognized body to 

 which all such subjects of right belong. That time 

 has not yet come. The people have already become 

 dissatisfied with the radical views of many who have 

 taken sides in this issue, and it is believed that they 

 have never been more united than in their purpose 

 to rebuke the ultra spirit which has shown itself. 

 This committee will be slow to believe, that in a State, 

 loyal as Maryland is known to be, the power of this 

 Government will be used in forcing an issue which 

 cannot fail to throw a. damper upon the efforts of 

 Union men. Slavery, it is said, has been the head 

 and front of this rebellion. It is no doubt true that 

 both North and South it has been a fruitful source of 

 agitation for years past. But it is no excuse for vio- 

 lence and a disregard of constitutional law that such 

 has been the working of our political system. The 

 evil of slavery attaches equally to those who formed 

 our Federal Constitution, as to the Border States men 

 of the present day, who are innocently connected 

 with it. 



The Union men of the State of Maryland, repre- 

 sented by this Committee, belong to all parties, and 

 they have made common cause in this great conflict 

 fur the life of the Republic. Emancipationists and 

 slaveholders stand shoulder to shoulder in support of 

 the Government. There are those who believe that 

 the State of Maryland should avail herself of an early 

 occasion to adopt some principle of gradual and com- 

 pensated emancipation ; and there are those again 

 who believe that during the existence of this rebellion, 

 and while the State is virtually under military con- 

 trol a large section being still held under martial 

 law it is advisable in order to secure all shades of 

 opinion in a common effort to restore the Union, to 

 ignore all side issues, and move in solid phalanx, 

 with one object and one purpose to engage their atten- 

 tion. 



There is still another class who, convinced by every 

 day's experience of the ruinous effects of this war 

 upon the Border States, believe that those who cling 



most to the idea of immediate emancipation, must be 

 unreasonable indeed, if they could desire a more rapid 

 change than that which is now going on, and has left 

 the institution of slavery within our limits already 

 scarcely worth the trouble of contending for. Upon 

 one point, however, there is entire accord, and that is, 

 that the safety and integrity of this Union rises above 

 every other issue, whether public or private ; and the 

 authorities of the Government, whether slavery is 

 recognized or not, must be sustained in putting down 

 this rebellion. 



On the 16th of September the Unconditional 

 Union State Committee, appointed by the con- 

 vention which assembled on June 16th, issued 

 an address to the people of the State, in which 

 they say : 



We disavow all measures for the violent abrogation 

 of slavery in our midst. We claim that in the exer- 

 cise of our prerogatives as American citizens we owe 

 it to ourselves to discuss fairly, and finally to dispose 

 of, this evil ; and we hereby swemnly declare it to be 

 our conviction that the dignity, the honor, and the 



Erosperity of our people alike demand that we should 

 sgally and constitutionally abolish the institution at 

 the earliest period compatible with the best interests 

 of the State, and the permanent welfare, stability, and 

 unity of the nation. 



Since " the people know that the substance (of 

 slavery) is already gone, and that only the skeleton 

 has been left," we are of the opinion that the sooner 

 the skeleton is removed the better it will be for the 

 true interests of the State and the nation ; at the same 

 time we are fully persuaded that this can only be ac- 

 complished by at once bringing the people face to face 

 with it in the election of such men only as are willing 

 to discharge their whole constitutional duty by accept- 

 ing their full measure of responsibility in calling a 

 Constitutional Convention at the earliest moment 

 practicable. 



We are admonished by the refusal of the last Union 

 Legislature to provide for taking the sense of the 

 people in respect to a Convention, that it will not do 

 to take for granted, because a candidate is heartily in 

 favor of suppressing the rebellion, therefore he will 

 favor the earliest removal of its producing cause, or 

 give to the people the opportunity so to declare. 



That men who seek to legislate in this crisis need 

 first to emancipate themselves from the influence of 

 the great disturbing interest is, we think, abundantly 

 attested by the fact that the " Convention Bill " which 

 passed the House of Delegates last year, and which 

 was defeated in the Senate on the very last night of 

 the session, contained a clause that the Convention 

 therein provided for should " not alter or abolish the 

 relation of master and slave, as it now exists in the 

 State." 



In presenting the -nominees of the Unconditional 

 Union party for the suffrages of the people of Mary- 

 land we desire to have no concealment of our views or 

 their own. We believe a manly, frank course is the 

 best, and that true men will despise hypocrisy and 

 subterfuge in this hour of the nation's peril, and recog- 

 nize hostility to the Government, conceal itself under 

 whatever garment of loyalty it may, or call itself by 

 what title it may choose. 



Fellow-citizens, the men we present to you are in 

 favor of supporting the Administration in every effort 

 to put down the rebellion, and in every measure which 

 it has thought necessary for the permanent peace of 

 the country when the rebellion shall have been sub- 

 dued. 



We believe that the only way to put down the re- 

 bellion is to put it down by 'force of arms, and for 

 this purpose we are willing to vote every dollar ne- 

 cessary, and to give every available man, black or 

 white. 



We do not think ourselves at all superior to our 

 ancestors of Revolutionary memory, who fought side 



