632 



MEXICO. 



qnisition and other institutions of a past age. 

 "Wherever the Church could not control it has 

 sought to destroy, and not a few of the "^jro- 

 nunciamentos " and " plans " aimed at existing 

 administrations, and the number of which per- 

 plexes the reader of Mexican history, have had 

 their origin in the selfish desire to hold and in- 

 crease property and power at the sacrifice of 

 national peace and stability. Administration 

 after administration has been overthrown 

 upon any appearance of an intention to nation- 

 alize Church property or even to promote 

 liberal measures, and the crowning effort of 

 the party, is seen in its scheme to destroy by 

 the aid of foreign intervention the independ- 

 ence which it aided in securing, and to fasten 

 upon Mexicothe reproach of being the only 

 Catholic country in the world, in which the 

 temporal affairs of the Church have remained 

 unchanged during the revolutions of the last 

 half century. 



It speaks volumes in favor of the energy 

 and influence of the Church party that from 

 the revolutions of 1820 down to 1860, with 

 some few exceptions, no president, however 

 hard pressed, has ever ventured to encroach 

 upon what is commonly regarded as consecrat- 

 ed property. Congress indeed, in 1833, abol- 

 ished the compulsory payment of tithes, includ- 

 ing a tenth part of the first fruits which grew 

 upon the soil of the republic and the firstlings 

 of the cattle ; but so many persons, for con- 

 scientious reasons or for other causes, continued 

 to pay this tax that the revenue of the Church 

 suffered no serious diminution. In fact, by 

 the partial separation of the Church from the 

 State in that year, the former gained a more 

 complete independence than it had ever before 

 enjoyed, and in consequence a greater degree 

 of power, the bishops thenceforth exercising 

 control over all ecclesiastical property as quasi 

 corporations sole. When the Government went 

 further, and proposed in 1835, at the sugges- 

 tion of President Gomez Farrias, to appropri- 

 ate the property of the Church to the payment 

 of the public debt, the proposition was prompt- 

 ly met by a revolution, which led to the con- 

 version of the confederation of States into a 

 consolidated republic, with Santa Anna as dic- 

 tator. Eighteen years later, after a dreary in- 

 terval of constantly recurring revolutions, the 

 same man found himself again in the presiden- 

 tial chair with unlimited powers. A combi- 

 nation of liberals drove him from the country, 

 and, under the presidency of Comonfort, decrees 

 were promulgated confiscating the property of 

 the Ohurch and forbidding the clergy to hold 

 real estate. Revolutionary outbreaks prevent- 

 ed the enforcement of these, and a civil war of 

 unexampled duration and fury between the 

 liberals, under Juarez, and the Church party led 

 by Zuloaga and Miramon, followed, resulting 

 in 1860 in the triumph of the former. 



The contest by this time had become nar- 

 rowed down to a struggle between the ultra 

 liberals and ultra conservatives. There was 



no longer any middle party ; and almost the 

 sole question involved was whether the enor- 

 mous unemployed wealth in the hands of the 

 clergy should remain with them, or should be 

 appropriated to discharge the claims of foreign 

 nations, engendered during many years of anar- 

 chy and confusion, and to the payment of the 

 constantly increasing national debt. This was 

 practically decided by the abolition, in 1860, 

 under the administration of Juarez, of all the 

 special privileges of the clergy, and the seques- 

 tration of the Church property which was sold 

 to the people at a low nominal price. As a 

 last resort, the Church party, in despair of their 

 ability to regain the influence they once wield- 

 ed, determined to solicit foreign intervention, 

 hoping, by some fortunate turn in affairs, to 

 build up a monarchy upon the ruins of the 

 republic, and place upon the throne a European 

 prince of absolutist tendencies, under whom 

 they might obtain a respite from the attacks 

 of their enemies. A tolerable pretext for such 

 intervention was afforded by claims for inju- 

 ries to persons or property. This, however, 

 was not considered sufficient to justify, in the 

 estimation of the world, such a change in their 

 government as they desired, and profiting by 

 their superior means of moulding foreign opin- 

 ion, they labored to create the belief that Mex- 

 ico was unfitted for free institutions and ut- 

 terly incapable of self-government. 



As if enough had not been done by them 

 during the previous forty years to bring their 

 country into discredit with foreign nations, 

 they forthwith commenced a series of unparal- 

 leled excesses in all parts of the republic, spar- 

 ing neither native nor foreign born, and mur- 

 dering, robbing and destroying, until Europe 

 should be worked up to the proper pitch of in- 

 dignation, and " in the interests of civilization " 

 claim to interfere. Almonte, Miramon and 

 other agents abroad, meanwhile, from time to 

 time laid this unhappy state of things before the 

 tribunal of public opinion, and thus skilfully 

 prepared the way for intervention.* How 

 that was finally brought about has been relat- 

 ed in the preceding volumes of this work. 

 The object of this preface is to show that the 

 Church party has systematically provoked the 

 calamities which it now seeks to cure by inter- 

 vention ; and it will be seen further on, that, 

 after two years of hostilities, and the nearly 

 complete overthrow of the liberal party and 

 destruction of the republic, the elements of dis- 

 turbance remain in full vigor, and that the 

 proper remedy has not yet been applied. 



* " We now understand," says the " London Time* " of 

 May 27th, 1862, " the origin of the whole affair. The mon- 

 archy, with the Archduke Maximilian for emperor, was the 

 idea of certain Mexican refugees, members of the Reac- 

 tionary or Clerical party in Mexico, and partisans of 

 Marquez and other ruffians, whose misdeeds have been 

 among the principal causes of our intervention. If Ferdi- 

 nand Maximilian goes to Mexico, he will find his most ac- 

 tive friends among the men who have shot, tortured and 

 robbed, until Europe has at last lost patience." A remark- 

 able confirmation of this statement is afforded in a speech 

 delivered by Sijtnor Rotneso, the Mexican Minister to Wash- 

 ington, at a dinner iu the city of New York, Dec. 16th, 1363. 



