CONFEDERATE STATES. 



199 



gather such strength as to require more violent 

 measures than are now needed ? With your influence 

 and position, the promoters of the unfounded dis- 

 content now prevalent in your State would be put 

 down without the use of physical force, if you would 

 abandon a policy of conciliation and set them at de- 

 fiance. In this 'course, frankly and firmly pursued, 

 you would rally around you' all that is best and 

 noblest in your* State, and your triumph would be 

 bloodless, 'if the contrary policy be adopted, I much 

 fear you will be driven to the use of force to repress 

 treason. In either event, however, be assured that 

 vou will have my cordial concurrence and assistance 

 In maintaining with you the honor, dignity, and fair 

 name of your State, and in vour efforts to crush 

 treason, whether incipient, as f believe it now to be, 

 or more matured, as I believe, if not firmly met, it 

 will in our future inevitably become. 



I have the honor to be, verv respectfullv, vours, 

 JEFFERSOX 'DAVIS. 



His Ex. Z. B. VAXCE, Gov. X. C. 



Some resolutions -were adopted by the Legisla- 

 ture of Georgia, and subsequently approved by 

 the Congress. But here the discussion of the 

 subject rested generally until the public mind was 

 again aroused by the action of the Presidential 

 Convention at Chicago, which adopted a resolu- 

 tion relative to an ultimate convention of all the 

 States, for the settlement of difficulties. Prev- 

 ious to this, however, two informal attempts 

 had been made by individuals in the Union 

 States to inaugurate measures for the opening 

 of negotiations, which attracted attention chiefly 

 in those States. (See UNITED STATES.) The 

 proposition for a convention as made by the as- 

 semblage at Chicago, was received with favor 

 by some, and with objections by others. Tice- 

 President Stephens, under date of Sept. 22d, 

 tid: 



The re_solutions of the Georgia Legislature, at its 

 ast session, upon the subject of peace, in my judg- 

 ment embodied abd set forth very clearly those 

 principles upon which alone there ca'n be permanent 

 peace between the different sections of this extensive, 

 once happy and prosperous, but now distracted 

 country. 



asv and perfect solution to all present troubles, 

 and those far more grievous ones which loom in 

 prospect, and portentously threaten in the coming 

 future, is nothing more than the simple recognition 

 of the fundamental principle, and truth upon which 

 all American constitutional liberty is founded, and 

 upon the maintenance of which alone it can be pre- 

 served that is, the sovereignty, the ultimate, abso- 

 lute sovereignty of the States". This doctrine our 

 Legislature announced to the people of the Xorth 

 and to the world. It is the only key-not6 to peace 

 permanent, lasting peace consistent with the secu- 

 rity of the public liberty. 



The old Confederation was formed upon this prin- 

 ciple. The old Union was afterwards formed upon 

 this principle. Xo league can ever be formed or 

 maintained between any States, Xorth or South, se- 

 curing public liberty, upon any other principle. 



The whole framework of American institutions, 

 which in so short a time had won the admiration of 

 the world, and to which we were indebted for such 

 an unparalleled career of prosperity and happiness, 

 was formed upon this principle. All our present 

 troubles sprung from a departure from this principle, 

 from a violation of this essential law of our political 

 drcanization. 



The idea that the Old Union or any Union between 

 sovereign States, consistently with this fundamental 

 truth, can be maintained by force is preposterous. 



This war springs from an attempt to do this prepos- 

 terous thing. Superior power may compel a L nion of 

 some sort,"but it will not be the Union of the old 

 Constitution or of our new. It would be that sort of 

 Union that results from despotism. 



The subjugation of the people of the South by the 

 people of the Xorth would necessarily involve the de- 

 struction of the Constitution, and the overthrow of 

 their liberties as well as ours. The men or party at 

 the Xorth to whom you refer, who favor peace, mast 

 be brought to a full realization of this truth in all its 

 bearings before their efforts will result in much prac- 

 tical good. Any peace growing out of- a union of 

 States established by force will be as ruinous to them 

 as to us. 



The action of the Chicago Convention, so far as its 

 platform of principles goes, presents, as I have said 

 on another occasion, a ray of light, which, under 

 Providence, may prove the dawn of the day to this 

 long and cheerless night, the first raw of light I have 

 seen from the Xorth since the war* began. This 

 cheers the heart, and toward it I could almost ex- 

 claim, "Hail, holy light, offspring of Heaven, first 

 born ! Or of the eternal co-eternal beam may I express 

 thee unblamed, since God is light." 



Indeed, I could have quite so exclaimed, but for 

 the sad reflection that whether it shall bring healing 

 in its beams or be lost in the dark and ominous 

 eclipse ere its good work be done, depends so much 

 upon the action of others who may not regard it as I 

 do. So at best it is but a ray, a small and tremulous 

 ray, enough only to gladden the heart and quicken 

 the hope. 



The prominent and leading idea of that convention 

 seems to have been a desire to reach a peaceful ad- 

 justment of our present difficulties and strife through 

 the medium of a convention of the States. They 

 propose to suspend hostilities, to see what can be 

 done, if any thing, by negotiations of some sort. 

 This is one "step in the right direction. To such a 

 convention of the States I should have no objection, 

 as a peaceful conference and interchange of views 

 between equal and sovereign powers, just as the con- 

 vention of 1787 was called and assembled. 



The properly constituted authorities at Washing- 

 ton and Richmond, the duly authorized representa- 

 tives of the two confederacies of the States now at 

 war with each other, might give their assent to such 

 a proposition. Good might result from it. It would 

 be an appeal on both sides from the sword to reason 

 and justice. All wars which do not result in the ex- 

 tinction or extermination of one side or the other, 

 must be ended sooner or later by some sort of nego- 

 tiation. 



From the discussion or interchange of views in 

 such a convention, the history as well as the true na- 

 ture of our institutions and the relation of the States 

 toward each other and toward the Federal head, 

 would doubtless be much better understood generally 

 than they now are ; but I should favor sucfi a prop- 

 osition only as a peaceful conference, as the con- 

 vention of 17S7 was. I should be opposed to leaving 

 the questions at issue to the absolute decision of such 

 a body. 



Delegates might be clothed with powers to consult 

 and agree, if they could, upon some plan of adjust- 

 ment,^to be submitted for subsequent ratification by 

 the sovereign States whom it affected, before it should 

 be obligatory or binding, and then binding only on 

 such as should so ratify it. It becomes the people 

 of the South, as well as the people of the Xorth, to 

 be quite as watchful and jealous of their rights as 

 their common ancestors were. 



Mr. Herschell V. Johnson, of Georgia, one of 

 the candidates for the Vice-presidency in 1860, 

 not only expressed himself in favor of such a 

 convention, but explained the Southern views 

 of the nature of the contest, thus : 



I look with anxiety to the approaching Presiden- 



