PUBLIC DOCUMENTS. 



GDI 



ts, Rhode I.^I;::ul, Now Jersey, Delaware, 



ludiuua, Illinois, and (.Y.lit'^iaia, who, by the laws 



of those states, could not vote away from their 



homes, and which number caunot be less than 



. Nor yet is this all. The number in or^au- 



ized'Territories is triple now what it was four years, 



I Liile thousands, white and black, join us as the 



uelioual arms press back the insurgent lines. 



So much is shown, affirmatively and negatively, 

 by the election. It is not material to inquire how 

 the increase has been produced, or to show that it 

 would have been greater but for the war, which is 

 probably true. The important fact remains demon- 

 strated that we have more men now than we had 

 when the war began ; that we are not exhausted, 

 nor in process of exhaustion ; that we are gaining 

 strength, and mnv, if need be, maintain the contest 

 indefinitely. This as to men. Material resources 

 are now more complete and abundant than ever. 



The national resources, then, are unexhausted, 

 and, as we believe, inexhaustible. The public pur- 

 pose to reestablish and maintain the national au- 

 thority is unchanged, and, as we believe, unchange- 

 able. The manner of continuing the effort remains 

 to choose. On careful consideration of all the evi- 

 dence accessible, it seems to me that no attempt at 

 negotiation with the insurgent leader could result in 

 any good. He would accept nothing short of sever- 

 ance of the Union precisely what we will not and 

 cannot give. His declarations to this effect are ex- 

 plicit and oft-repeated. He does not attempt to 

 deceive us. He affords us no excuse to deceive 

 ourselves. 



He cannot voluntarily reaccept the Union ; we 

 cannot voluntarily yield it. Between him and us 

 the issue is distinct, simple, and inflexible. It is au 

 issue which can only be tried by war and decided by 

 victory. If we yield, we are b'eaten ; if the South- 

 ern people fail him, he is beaten. Either way, it 

 would be victory and defeat following war. Y"hat 

 is true, however, of him who heads the insurgent . 

 cause is not necessarily true of those who follow. 



Although he cannot reaccept the Union, they can. 

 Some of them, we know, already desire peace and re- 

 union. The number of such may increase. They 

 can, at any moment, have peace simply by laying 

 down their arms and submitting to the national au- 

 thority under the Constitution. After so much, the 

 Government could not, if it would, maintain war 

 against them. The loyal people would not sustain 

 or allow it. 



If questions should remain, we would adjust 

 them by the peaceful means of legislation, confer- 

 ence, courts, and votes, operating only in consti- 

 tutional and lawful channels. Some certain, and 

 other possible, questions are, and would be, beyond 

 the Executive power to adjust ; as, for instance, the 

 admission of members into Congress, and whatever 

 might require the appropriation of money. The 

 Executive power itself would be greatly diminished 

 by the cessation of actual war. Pardons and re- 

 missions of forfeitures, however, would still be with- 

 in Executive control. In what spirit and temper 

 this would be exercised can be easily judged by the 

 past. 



A year ago general pardon and amnesty, upon spe- 

 cified terms, were offered to all, except certain de>i_-- 

 nated classes, and it was, at the same time, made 

 known that the excepted classes were still within 

 contemplation of special clemency. During the year 

 many availed themselves of the general provision, 

 and many more would, only that the signs of bad 

 faith in some led to such precautionary measures as 

 rendered the practical process less easy and certain. 

 During the same time, also, special pardons have been 

 granted to individuals of the excepted classes, and 

 uo voluntary application has been denied. 



Thus, practically, the door has been, for a full 

 year, opea to all, except such as were not in condi- 

 tion to make free choice that is, such as were in 



custody or under constraint. It is still so pen to 

 all. But the time may come probably will come- 

 when public duty shall demand that'll be <_: 

 and that in lieu more rigorous measures than here- 

 tofore shall be adopted. 



In presenting the abandonment of armed resist- 

 ance to the national authority on the part of the in- 

 surgents as the only indispensable condition to end- 

 ing the war on the part of the Government, I retract 

 nothing heretofore said as to slavery. I repeat the 

 declaration made a year ago, that "while I remain iu 

 my present position I shall not attempt to retract or 

 modify the emancipation proclamation, nor shall I 

 return to slavery any person who is free by the terms 

 of that proclamation, or by any a.ct of Congress." 



If the people should, by whatever mode or means, 

 make it an executive duty to reenslave such persons, 

 another, and not I, must be their instrument to per- 

 form it. 



In stating a single condition of peace, I mean to 

 say that the war will cease ou the part of the Gov- 

 ernment whenever it shall have ceased on the part 

 of those who began it. 



ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 



DECEMBER, 6, 1S64. 



Jefferson Darius Message. 

 To tJtt Senate and Home of Representatives 



of the Confederate, States of America : 



You are assembled under circumstances of deep 

 interest to your country ; and it is fortunate that, 

 coming as you do, newlj- elected by the people and 

 familiar with the condition of the various localities, 

 you will be the better able to devise measures adapt- 

 ed to meet the wants of the public service without 

 imposing unnecessary burdens on the citizen. The 

 brief period which has elapsed since the last adjourn- 

 ment of Congress has not afforded sufficient oppor- 

 tunity to test the efficacy of the most important laws 

 then enacted, nor have "the events occurring in the 

 interval been such as materially to change the state 

 of the country. 



The unjust war commenced against us, in violation 

 of the rights of the States, and in usurpation of power 

 not delegated to the Government of the United States, 

 is still characterized by the barbarism with which it 

 has heretofore been conducted by the enemy. Aged 

 men, helpless women and children, appeal in vain to 

 the humanity which should be inspired by their con- 

 dition, for immunity from arrest, incarceration, or 

 banishment from tlieir homes. Plunder and devas- 

 tation of the property of non-combatants, destruc- 

 tion of private dwellings, and even of edifices de- 

 voted to the worship of God, expeditions organized 

 for the sole purpose of sacking cities, consigning 

 them to the flames, killing the unarmed inhabitants, 

 and inflicting horrible outrages on women and chil- 

 dren, are some of the constantly recurring atrocities 

 of the invader. It cannot reasonably be pretended 

 that such acts conduce to any end which their au- 

 thors dare avow before the civilized world, and soon- 

 er or later Christendom must mete out to them the 

 condemnation which such brutality deserves. The 

 sufferings thus ruthlessly inflicted upon the people 

 of the invaded districts has served but to illustrate 

 their patriotism. Entire unanimity and zeal for their 

 country's cause have been preeminently conspicuous 

 among those whose sacrifices have been greatest. So 

 the army which has borne the trials and dangers of 

 the war; which has been subjected to privations and 

 disappointments i tests of manly fortitude far more 

 severe than the brief fatigues and perils of actual 

 combat), has been the centre of cheerfulness and 

 hope. From the camp comes the voice of the soldier 

 patriot invoking each who is at home, in the sphere 

 he best may fill, to devote his whole energies to tlio 

 support of a cause, in the success of which their con- 

 fidence has never faltered. They, the veterans of 

 many a hard-fought field, tender to their country 



