784 



UNITED STATES. 



But when it becomes evident that party machinery 

 and official influence are being used to secure the 

 perpetuation of the present Administration, those 

 who conscientiously believe that the interests of the 

 country and of freedom demand a change in favor of 

 vigor, and purity, and nationality, have no choice 

 but to appeal at once to the people, before it shall be 

 too late to secure a fair discussion of principles. 



Those in behalf of whom this communication is 

 made have thoughtfully surveyed the political field, 

 and have arrived at the following conclusions : 



1. That even were the reelection of Mr. Lincoln de- 

 sirable, it is practically impossible against the union 

 of influences which will oppose him. 



2. That should he be reflected his manifest tend- 

 ency toward compromises and temporary expedients 

 of policy will become stronger during a second term 

 than it has been in the first, and the cause of human 

 liberty and the dignity and honor of the nation suffer 

 proportionately ; while the war may continue to 

 languish during his whole Administration, till the 

 public debt shall become a burden too great to be 

 borne. 



3. That the patronage of the Government, through 

 the necessities of the war, has been so rapidly in- 

 creased, and to such an enormous extent, and so 

 loosely placed, as to render the application of the 

 " one-term principle" absolutely essential to the cer- 

 tain safety of our Republican institutions. 



4. That we find united in Hon. Salmon P. Chase 

 more of the qualities needed in a President during the 

 next four years than are combined in any other avail- 

 able candidate ; bis record is clear and unimpeach- 

 able, showing him to be a statesman of rare ability, 

 and an administrator of the very highest order, while 

 his private character furnishes the surest obtainable 

 guaranty of economy and purity in the management 

 of public affairs. 



5. That the discussion of the Presidential question, 

 already commenced by the friends of Mr. Lincoln, 

 has developed a popularity and strength in Mr. 

 Chase unexpected even to his warmest admirers ; 

 and, while we are aware that this strength is at pres- 

 ent unorganized and in no condition to manifest its 

 real magnitude, we are satisfied that it only needs 

 systematic and faithful effort to develop it to an ex- 

 tent sufficient to overcome all opposing obstacles. 



For these reasons, the friends of Mr. Chase have 

 determined on measures which shall present his 

 claims fairly and at once to the country. A central 

 organization has been effected, which already has its 

 connections in all the States, and the object of which 

 is to enable his friends everywhere most effectually 

 to promote his elevation to the Presidency. We 

 wish the hearty cooperation of all those in favor of 

 the speedy restoration of the Union upon the basis 

 of universal freedom, and who desire an administra- 

 tion of 'the Government, during the first period of its 

 new life, which shall, to the fullest extent, develop 

 the capacity of free institutions, enlarge the resources 

 of the country, diminish the burdens of taxation, 

 elevate the standard of public and private morality, 

 vindicate the honor of the Republic before the world, 

 and in all things make our American nationality the 

 fairest example for imitation which human progress 

 has ever achieved. 



If these objects meet your approval, you can ren- 

 der efficient aid by exerting yourself at once to or- 

 ganize your section of the country, and by corre- 

 sponding with the Chairman of the National Execu- 

 tive Committee, for the purpose either of receiving 

 or imparting information. 



Very respectfully, S. C. POMEROY, 



Chairman National Executive Committee. 



In the U. S. Senate on March llth, Mr. Pom- 

 eroy in a speech thus explained the preceding 

 circular. 



Some curiosity has been manifested, here and else- 

 where, as to the authority and genuineness of a cir- 



cular issued by me, as chairman of the national 

 executive committee. Such curiosity is very laud- 

 able, and I take an early opportunity to say that I 

 did issue that circular, and that it embodies the 

 views of the national committee upon the subject 

 presented. The committee was instituted in the 

 usual manner at a public meeting convened in this 

 city in the month of January last. That meeting 

 comprised members of Congress and citizens from 

 nearly every loyal State in the Union. The commit- 

 tee is composed of members of Congress and other 

 citizens of the United States; all of them, so far as I 

 am advised, of the most unquestioned loyalty, and 

 devoted to the Union, and to freedom as the best 

 means for restoring and preserving the Union. The 

 object of the committee is to unite the sentiment of 

 the country in the support of men and measures 

 suited to the times. It issued a letter, called by 

 some a circular, which it has distributed, as also the 

 speeches of members of Congress on the engrossing 

 topics of the day. 



There was nothing secret in or about the letter, 

 unless some person wrote "private" or "secret" 

 upon it in order to attract attention and secure a 

 wider circulation. The only motive for its dissem- 

 ination at all was to notify the country of the exist- 

 ence of such a committee and of the purpose of its 

 organization. Copies were sent by mail to the Pres- 

 ident of the United States, to the judges of the 

 courts, the Governors of the States, and other dis- 

 tinguished persons in the loyal portion of the coun- 

 try. I do not know that the Secretary of the Treas- 

 ury was consulted in reference to the organization 

 of the committee. So far as I am informed, he was 

 ignorant as to the persons composing that committee, 

 as also of its action. This is the era of drafting men 

 into the service of their country, without notice, and 

 in that spirit he was drawn for the service. And 

 because we believed the Secretary of the Treasury to 

 be a suitable person, he was named as a candidate 

 for the position of Chief Magistrate of the nation. 

 We still believe him to be the man whom the people 

 will delight to honor. And I find that many other 

 men in the country think as we do in this matter. 

 Indeed, I have yet to find the man friendly to free- 

 dom who does not concede that our choice would 

 deposit the responsibilities of the Executive Govern- 

 ment in able and safe hands. 



Mr. President, the national executive committee 

 still lives, and in my humble judgment bids fair to 

 establish the fact of its existence on the page of the 

 future. Indeed, its existence has now become al- 

 most a "military necessity." Through it we hope 

 to stimulate, encourage, and combine the loyal men 

 of the country for a more vigorous and successful 

 prosecution of the war ; believing that a speedy issue 

 to the three years' doubtful conflict will save the 

 credit of the nation, the lives of the army, and the 

 very hope of a free Government among men ! 



Mr. Pomeroy, in continuing his remarks, com- 

 plained of the present Administration as not 

 being sufficiently "progressive," and enlarged 

 on the preeminent fitness of Mr. Chase for the 

 office of Chief Magistrate. The following are 

 among the issues involved, as enunciated by 

 the Senator from Kansas : 



1. The immediate crushing out of the rebellion by 

 every power in the Government, without amnesty 

 proclamations, etc. 



2. Constitutional amendments abolishing and for- 

 ever prohibiting slavery. 



3. The maintenance inviolate of the Monroe doo 

 trine. 



4. The organization of a system of rigid economy 

 in all departments of the Government. 



5. The confiscation of the property of leading 

 rebels, and the organization in the disloyal States 01 

 a republican form of Government. 



