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CONGRESS, UNITED STATES. 



seems to be the chief revenue we shall ever de- 

 rive from the South. Besides, it would be a 

 protection to that amount to our domestic man- 

 ufactures. Other proposed amendments to 

 make all laws uniform ; to prohibit the assump- 

 tion of the rebel debt are of vital importance, 

 and the only thing that can prevent the com- 

 bined forces of copperheads and secessionists 

 from legislating against the interests of the 

 Union whenever they may obtain an accidental 

 majority. 



" But this is not all that we ought to do be- 

 fore these inveterate rebels are invited to parti- 

 cipate in our legislation. "We have turned, or 

 are about to turn, loose four million slaves 

 without a hut to shelter them, or a cent in their 

 pockets. The infernal laws of slavery have 

 prevented them from acquiring an education, 

 understanding the commonest laws of contract, 

 or of managing the ordinary business of life. 

 This Congress is bound to provide for them un- 

 til they can take care of themselves. If we do 

 not furnish them with homesteads, and hedge 

 them around with protective laws ; if we leave 

 them to the legislation of their late masters, wo 

 had better have left them in bondage. Their con- 

 dition would be worse than that of our prisoners 

 at Anderaonville. If we fail in this great duty 

 now, when we have the power, we shall de- 

 serve and receive the execration of history and 

 of all future ages. 



" Two things are of vital importance : 



" 1. So to establish a principle that none of 

 the rebel States shall be counted in any of the 

 amendments of the Constitution until they are 

 duly admitted into the family of States by the 

 law-making power of their conqueror. For 

 more than six months the amendment of the 

 Constitution abolishing slavery has been ratified 

 by the Legislatures of three-fourths of the 

 States that acted on its passage by Congress, 

 and which had Legislatures, or which were 

 States capable of acting, or required to act, on 

 the question. 



"I take no account of the aggregation of 

 whitewashed rebels, who, without any legal 

 authority, have assembled in the capitals of the 

 late rebel States and simulated legislative bodies. 

 Nor do I regard with any respect the cunning 

 by-play into which they deluded the Secretary 

 of State by frequent telegraphic announcements 

 that ' South Carolina had adopted the amend- 

 ment ; ' ' Alabama has adopted the amend- 

 ment, being the twenty-seventh State,' etc. 

 This was intended to delude the people, and 

 accustomed Congress to hear repeated the 

 names of these extinct States as if they were 

 alive ; when, in truth, they have now no more 

 existence than the revolted cities of Latium, 

 two-thirds of whose people were colonized and 

 their property confiscated, and their right of 

 citizenship withdrawn by conquering and aveng- 

 ing Rome. 



" 2. It is equally important to the stability of 

 this Republic that it should now be solemnly 

 decided what power can revive recreate and 



reinstate these provinces into the family of 

 States, and invest them with the rights of 

 American citizens. It is time that Congress 

 should assert its sovereignty, and assume 

 something of the dignity of the Roman senate. 

 It is fortunate that the President invites Con- 

 gress to take this manly attitude. After sta- 

 ting, with great frankness, in his able message 

 his theory, which, however, is found to be im- 

 practicable, and which I believe very few now 

 consider tenable, he refers the whole matter to 

 the judgment of Congress. If Congress should 

 fail firmly and wisely to discharge that high 

 duty, it is not the fault of the President. 



u This Congress owes it to its own character 

 to set the seal of reprobation upon a doctrine 

 which is becoming too fashionable, and unless 

 rebuked will be the recognized principle of our 

 Government. Governor Perry and other pro- 

 visional governors and orators proclaim that 

 ' this is the white man's Government.' The 

 whole copperhead party, pandering to the low- 

 est prejudices cf the ignorant, repeat the cuckoo 

 cry, 'This is the white man's Government.' 

 Demagogues of all parties, even some high in 

 authority, gravely shout, ' This is the white 

 man's Government.' "What is implied by this ? 

 That one race of men are to have the exclusive 

 right forever to rule this nation, and to exer- 

 cise all acts of sovereignty, while all other races 

 and nations and colors are to be their subjects, 

 and have no voice in making the laws and 

 choosing the rulers by whom they are to be 

 governed. "Wherein does this differ from slave- 

 ry except in degree ? Does not this contradict 

 all the distinctive principles of the Declaration 

 of Independence? "When the great and good 

 men promulgated that instrument, and pledged 

 their lives and sacred honors to defend it, it was 

 supposed to form an epoch in civil government. 

 Before that time it was held that the right to 

 rule was vested in families, dynasties, or races, 

 not because of superior intelligence or virtue, 

 but because of a divine right to enjoy exclusive 

 privileges. 



" Mr. Chairman, I trust the Republican party 

 will not be alarmed at what I am saying. I 

 do not profess to speak their sentiments, nor 

 must they be held responsible for them. I 

 speak for myself, and take the responsibility, 

 and will settle with my intelligent constituents. 



' ; This is not a 'white man's Government.' 

 in the exclusive sense in which it is used. To 

 say so is political blasphemy, for it violates the 

 fundamental principles of our gospel of liberty. 

 This is man's Government; the Government 

 of all men alike ; not that all men will have 

 equal power and sway within it. Accidental 

 circumstances, natural and acquired endow- 

 ment and ability, will vary their fortunes. But 

 equal rights to all the privileges of the Govern- 

 ment is innate in every immortal being, no 

 matter what the shape or color of the taber- 

 nacle which it inhabits." 



An extended debate followed in Committee 

 of the "Whole on the State of the Union, relative 



