CONGRESS, UNITED STATES. 



151 



aanpass? What objection 5s there to baMng 

 -ontation on voters? First, wo naturally 

 become attached to that to which wo are ac- 

 ml. It would hold out an inducement to 

 run tlio ballot to an unreasonable extent. It 

 would induce many States to change their lawa 

 and allow disfranchised whites to vote. The 

 aiiii'Miliiiriit proposed only remains. It leaves 

 the original basis of representation where the 

 Constitution placed it in the first instance. It 

 accomplishes indirectly what wo may not have 

 the power to accomplish directly. 



Mr. Lane, of Indiana, followed, and in his re- 

 marks considered the various plans of recon- 

 struction proposed. Of the President's plan he 

 said : " If the President had a right to regulate 

 suffrage at all, he had a right to specify every 

 condition under which suffrage should be ex- 

 ercised." lie urged that both Presidents Lin- 

 coln and Johnson had recognized the fact that 

 the Southern States were dead. By acts of 

 Congress the existence of these States was to- 

 tally and entirely ignored. The people have 

 too long looked to the President for a plan of 

 restoration. Look to Congress. It has the 

 power, henco its duty. He said : 



" Wo are brought to the question, Upon what 

 safe basis can the States be restored to their 

 constitutional relations to the United States? 

 It cannot be done upon the basis alone of the 

 loyal voters, for they are inconsiderable, and 

 would be utterly overwhelmed by the rebel 

 voters. It cannot be done by giving the rebel 

 voters the power to control the legislation of 

 the country. Now, suppose for one moment 

 that you should determine that a reconstruc- 

 tion should take place based upon the votes of 

 the rebels, what would be the result ? What 

 are the great questions now engaging the at- 

 tention of the people, and which will engross 

 the legislation of the country for the next half 

 century? Questions of taxation and revenue. 

 Do you suppose they will willingly tax them- 

 selves to pay the interest upon the immense 

 debt created for their subjugation and over- 

 throw ? 



" There are other questions you will be called 

 upon to decide. You will have to provide a 

 fund for the payment of your invalid pensioners. 

 Think you that they will vote willingly to raise 

 money to pay the pensions of your invalid soldiers 

 when their own invalid pensioners are excluded ? 

 Can you hope for any cordial cooperation be- 

 tween the rebels and yourselves upon any of 

 these great subjects of national legislation? 

 Suppose you admit them here in the Senate, 

 they not only vote npon all these high ques- 

 tions, but they counsel in reference to executive 

 appointments ; they counsel in reference to the 

 confirmation of treaties; and their power for 

 evil is almighty the moment you admit them 

 with all the privileges of regularly organized 

 and constituted Statos. I tremble in view of 

 the evil consequences which would result, from 

 ihe admission of rebel members, to your national 

 debt, to the national credit, the plighted faith 



of the nation to your bondholders, the plighted 

 faith of the nation to your invalid soldiers, the 

 plighted faith of the nation to your living and 

 dead heroes. 



" Mr. President, what do we propose to do t 

 Wo see that it will not do to give power in the 

 rebel States to the rebels. We see that the 

 Union white men are but an inconsiderable 

 minority, and they cannot be trusted there to 

 organize States. Then if the States are to be 

 organized immediately, the only question is, 

 whether the right of suffrage shall be given to 

 rebel white men or loyal black men. The 

 amendment of the Senator from Missouri meets 

 that issue squarely in the face. Whatsoever I 

 desire to do I will not do by indirection. I 

 trust I shall always be brave enough to do what- 

 soever I think ray duty requires, directly and 

 not by indirection." 



The argument in favor of the proposed amend- 

 ment he stated to be, that by limiting the basis 

 of representation, Congress would induce the 

 people of the South to give the right of suffrage 

 to the negro. He did not believe it would have 

 that effect ; and if it would, it would be asking 

 him to do by indirection that which as a brave 

 and honest man ho would prefer to do directly. 



Mr. Hendricks, of Indiana, in opposition to 

 the measure, said : u Then, sir, as the proposition 

 does not rest upon population, as it does not 

 rest upon property, as it does not rest upon 

 voters, upon what principle does it rest ? Upon 

 what principle do Senators propose to adopt 

 this amendment to the Constitution? I can 

 understand it if you say that the States shall be 

 represented in the House of Representatives 

 upon their population ; I can understand it if 

 you say that they shall be represented upon 

 their voters ; but when you say that one State 

 shall have the benefit of its non-voting popula 

 tion and another State shall not, I cannot un- 

 derstand the principle of equity and justice 

 which governs you in that measure. Sir, if it 

 does not stand upon a principle, upon what 

 does it rest ? It rests upon a political policy. 

 A committee that had its birth in a party caucus 

 brings it before this body, and does not conceal 

 the fact that it is for party purposes. This 

 measure, if you ever allow the Southern States 

 to be represented in the House of Represent- 

 atives, will bring them back shorn of fifteen or 

 twenty Representatives ; it will bring them 

 back so shorn in their representation that the 

 Republican party can control this country for- 

 ever ; and if you can cut off from fifteen to 

 thirty votes for President of the United States 

 in the States that will not vote for a Republican 

 candidate, it may be that you can elect a Re- 

 publican candidate in 1868. Now, sir, upon 

 this subject I ask the attention of Senators. 

 These are no words of mine. I will put upon 

 the stand the most influential Republican to 

 day in the Congress of the United States. Ik. 

 says: 



According to my judgment, they ought never to b 

 recognized as capable of acting in the Union, or of 



