458 



LOUISIANA. 



least that can be said is, that it was inoppor- 

 tune if the rioting had ceased completely, the 

 police being masters of the situation." They 

 further state that the colored population as a 

 body did not participate in these scenes, and 

 the freedmen in the vicinity of the riot were 

 standing as lookers-on without being molested. 

 Forty-two policemen and several citizens were 

 either killed or wounded, although the conflict 

 was over in two hours. Twenty-seven of the 

 other party were killed and a considerable num- 

 ber wounded. 



Subsequently the universal suffrage men ad- 

 dressed to Congress the following petition : 



We, the undersigned Union men of the State of 

 Louisiana, respectfully represent that, after four 

 years combating the armed forces of the rebels and 

 traitors, we are not prepared nor yet willing that 

 these same rebels and traitors should return among 

 us, assume authority, maltreat with contumely ana 

 contempt, or otherwise abuse us. The facts are 

 patent and beyond question, and it is well shown 

 that the real Union men in this State are in the 

 minority. The returned rebels and traitors have the 

 balance of power in their hands, and it is publicly 

 avowed that the confederate element must rule. 

 Matters have assumed such a phase that, if not 

 strangled in the birth, we, the Union men, will have 

 no security for life, property, or honor. The returned 

 rebels and traitors are daily growing more powerful, 

 and daily insults and abuse are heaped upon us by 

 them. They no sooner find a return to power than 

 they commence a series of abuse of us. They lose 

 no opportunity, but upon all occasions use vile epi- 

 thets toward us. Our residences ore marked, and 

 attempts have been made to fire the dwellings of 

 some of us who are most conspicuous. We are told 

 that we are spotted, and daily threats are heard 

 against us. They not only abuse and curse us in 

 private, but publicly scorn and vilify us. Newspa- 

 pers, of which we have but two in our interest, can- 

 not be bought on the streets, but, like private pa- 

 pers, during the days of the inquisition of old, are 

 passed from hand to hand. We would infinitely 

 prefer to return them their arms and fight them in 

 open field than thus to permit them, under the pro- 

 tection of our government, to assume to dictate to 

 us and govern us. Our government, under a misap- 

 plied mercy, grants to prisoners of war, guilty of the 

 highest crime against the State treason the privi- 

 lege, hitherto unknown, of dictating to their con- 

 querors the terms upon which the conquerors may 

 be permitted to live in the land of their birth with 

 unpardoned traitors, against all of which we protest. 

 We protest against being termed rebels and traitors 

 by those whose hands are yet reeking with the blood 

 of Union men, and who boldly, and with unsurpassed^ 

 effrontery, not only in private, but throughout the 

 daily papers, term us rebels and traitors, and style 

 themselves the Union men of the South, and this, 

 too, while they are keeping up their confederate 

 organizations, and utterly ignoring that they are 

 prisoners of war to our government. We protest 

 against being ruled by prisoners of war under pa- 

 role. We protest against being abused by them. 

 We protest against being made to feel the vengeance 

 of baffled traitors. We protest against being used 

 as the lamb of the sacrifice to conciliate rebels and 

 traitors, knowing our shrift would be short if once 

 these assassins gain power, as they have proved con- 

 clusively by their acts of premeditated, cold-blooded 

 butchery of Union men on Monday the 13th of July, 

 the Saint Bartholomew day of New Orleans. We 

 protest against being left to the tender mercies of 

 the assassins who use the knife and pistols. We 

 protest most emphatically against being made the 

 ilaves, so to speak, of these prisoners of war, who hate 



us with unutterable hate, who despise and curse us. 

 Was it for this hundreds and thousands of our union 

 soldiers perished ? Was it for this we waged a war 

 for the Union ? Was it for this we have imbrued our 

 whole land in taxation ? Was it for this we spent 

 millions of treasure? Was it for this we have made 

 invalids and cripples of our thousands of Union men ? 

 Was it for this we elected Andrew Johnson to the 

 office from which ill-starred events caused him to 

 become President? Was it for this we conquered? 

 We therefore call upon the conquerors and loyal cit- 

 izens of the nation to protect us. We not only peti- 

 tion, but demand protection from the Congress of 

 your country, as we are in duty bound. 



On December 10th the Lower House of Con- 

 gress appointed Messrs. Eliot, Shellabarger, and 

 Boyer, a select committee to investigate the mat- 

 ter connected with the riots, and to report such 

 legislative action as the condition of affairs in 

 the State of Louisiana required. Messrs. Eliot 

 and Shellabarger presented a majority, and Mr. 

 Boyer a minority report to the House on Feb- 

 bruary 11, 1867. There is space here to notice 

 only the conclusion of each report. The ma- 

 jority say : 



The rebel State was at war, it is true, and was de- 

 feated in its attempt to overthrow the Government. 

 But we would not use the power which victory has 

 given, as might well be done, if Louisiana had not 

 been before the rebellion one of the United States. 



The war was conducted on the part of the Gov- 

 ernment to prevent her froni permanently disuniting 

 the States of the Union. Now the end of war is 

 peace, and the peace to be established must be secured 

 in vie\y of the requirements of the Constitution itself. 



Until a loyal State of Louisiana exists in full po- 

 litical accord with the United States, and the demand 

 of the Constitution is complied with that a Govern- 

 ment republican in form shall be guaranteed to the 

 State, the objects of the war will not have been at- 

 tained. To accomplish that end the condition of af-, 

 fairs in Louisiana requires the temporary establish- 

 ment of a provisional government. 



By the loyal people of Louisiana such constitution 

 must be ordained and such civil government formed 

 as will assure to the Republic a loyal and free State, 

 worthy of a place within the Union. 



In the mean time the safety of all Union men within 

 the State demands that such government be formed 

 for their protection, for the well-being of the nation 

 and the permanent peace of the Republic. In dis- 

 charge of the duty placed upon them, the committee 

 submit the bill accompanying the report. 



The minority report concluded with five 

 propositions, as follows : 



1. The riot of the 30th of July was a local disturb- 

 ance, originating in local circumstances of great 

 provocation, and in nowise the result of any hos- 

 tility or disaffection on the part of the community 

 of New Orleans to the Federal Government. It was 

 not in any just or fair sense of the term a vestige or 

 outbreak of the rebellion, nor can it be said to be 

 any indication even in the remotest degree of a dis- 

 position on the part of the people of Lpusiana, or the 

 city of New Orleans, to renew hostilities in any form 

 with the established authorities, State or Federal. 



2. It would be a monstrous injustice to hold the 

 whole people of the State of Louisiana accountable 

 for the acts of those engaged in a riot confined to a 

 small portion of the citv of New Orleans ; and for 

 that cause to abrogate by act of Congress the civil 

 government of that State now in peaceful and suc- 

 cessful operation, would be a usurpation of power not 

 warranted by the Constitution, and a gross outrage 

 upon the principles of free government. 



S. The riot was provoked by the incendiary 



