750 



UNITED STATES. 



the Democratic party. It was well known 

 that, of old, he had agreed with that party on 

 nearly all, if not all, important questions save 

 those connected with slavery, and was Demo- 

 cratic in his principles and general sympathies. 

 He had favored the independent treasury. He 

 had, as Governor of Ohio, been a warm de- 

 fender of constitutional State rights. 



In reply to verhal overtures Mr. Chase was 

 explicit that "he could not, for the sake of nomi- 

 nation, sacrifice any of the political doctrines 

 to which he had hitherto adhered. The grow- 

 ing importance of the movement at last in- 

 duced the chairman of the Democratic National 

 Committee to address to the Chief Justice a 

 formal letter, asking from him an expression 

 of views on the prominent questions of the 

 day, and this with express reference to his 

 possible nomination by the party. To this Mr. 

 Chase replied, on the 30th of May, by a letter, 

 from which the following are extracts : 



For more than a quarter of a century I have "been 

 in my political views and sentiments a Democrat, 

 and I still think that, upon questions of finance, com- 

 merce, and administration generally, the old Demo- 

 cratic principles afford the best guidance. What 

 separated me, in former times, from both parties was 

 the depth and positiveness of my convictions on the 

 slavery question. On that question I thought the 

 Democratic party failed to make a just application of 

 Democratic principles, and regarded myself as more 

 Democratic than the Democrats. 



In 1849 I was elected to the Senate by the united 

 votes of the old-line Democrats and the independent 

 Democrats, and subsequently made earnest efforts to 

 bring about a union of all Democrats on the ground 

 of the limitation of slavery to the States in which it 

 then existed and non-intervention in those States by 

 Congress. Had that union been effected, it is my firm 

 belief that the country would have escaped the late 

 civil war and all its evils. I never favored inter- 

 ference by Congress with slavery in the States, but. 

 as a war measure, Mr. Lincoln's proclamation or 

 emancipation had my hearty assent, and I united, as 

 a member of his administration, in the pledge made 

 to maintain the freedom of the enfranchised people. 

 I have been, and am, in favor of so much of the re- 

 construction policy of Congress as based the reor- 

 ganization of the State governments in the South upon 

 universal suffrage. I think that President Johnson 

 was right in regarding the Southern States, except 

 Virginia and Tennessee, as being, at the close of the 

 war, without governments which the United States 

 Government could properly recognize without gov- 

 ernors, judges, legislators } or other State function- 

 aries but wrong in limiting, by his reconstruction 

 proclamations, the right of suffrage to whites, and 

 only such whites as had the qualifications he re- 

 quired. On the other hand, it seemed to me, Con- 

 gress was right in not limiting, by its reconstruction 

 acts, the right of suffrage to the whites ; but wrong 

 in the exclusion from suffrage of certain classes or 

 citizens, and of all unable to take a prescribed retro- 

 spective oath, and wrong also in the establishment 

 of arbitrary military governments for the States, and 

 in authorizing military commissions for the trial of 

 civilians in time of peace. There should have been 

 as little military government as possible; no m}li- 

 tarar commissions ; no classes excluded from suffrage; 

 and no oath except one of faithful obedience and 

 support to the Constitution and laws, and sincere 

 attachment to the constitutional Government of the 

 United States. I am glad to know that many intelli- 

 gent Southern Democrats agree with me in these 

 views, and are willing to accept universal suffrage 



and universal amnesty as the basis of reconstruction 

 and restoration. They see that the shortest way to 

 revived prosperity, possible only with contented in- 

 dustry, is universal suffrage now, and universal am- 

 nesty, with removal of all disabilities as speedily as 

 possible through the action of the State and national 

 Governments. I have long been a believer in the 

 wisdom and justice of securing the right of suffrage 

 to all citizens by State constitutions and legislation. 

 It is the best guaranty of the stability of institutions 

 and the prosperity of communities. My views on 

 this subject were well known when the Democrats 

 elected me to the Senate in 1849. I have now an- 

 swered your letter as I think I ought to answer it. 

 I beg you to believe me for I say it in all sin- 

 ceritythat I do not desire the office of President 

 nor a nomination for it. Nor do I know that, with 

 my views and convictions, I am a suitable can- 

 didate for any party. Of that my countrymen must 

 judge. 



This letter was of course shown to several 

 influential Democrats, and there is little doubt 

 that its outspoken expressions in some points 

 lessened the chances of Mr. Chase's nomina- 

 tion. A few days before the assembling of 

 the convention, at an interview sought for the 

 purpose, by and in behalf of Democrats who 

 desired his nomination, the subject of the pos- 

 sible agreement of the party and himself in a 

 declaration of principles was discussed, and 

 the Chief Justice expressed his willingness to 

 accept a nomination upon the following plat- 

 form, which was found to be acceptable to 

 many of the delegates and to other prominent 

 men in the party : 



1. The American Democracy, reposing their trust, 

 under God, in the intelligence, the patriotism, and 

 the discriminating justice of the American people, 

 declare their fixed adhesion to the great principles 

 of equal rights and exact justice for all men and all 

 States, and their purpose to apply them, within con- 

 stitutional limits, to all questions which, in the vary- 

 ing exigencies of public affairs, may demand consid- 

 eration and solution. 



2. We congratulate each other and the whole people 

 upon the auspicious return of peace after protracted 

 civil war, and, offering our most earnest thanks to 

 the brave soldiers of the Union, whose heroic cour- 

 age, patient endurance, and self-sacrificing patriotism 

 have preserved for us an undivided country, we dis- 

 card from our hearts every sentiment, save good-will, 

 toward those who, having been brave enemies in 

 war, now return to their duties as citizens of the 

 United States. We welcome them to a noble rivalry 

 in earnest efforts to surpass each other in mutual 

 affection and common devotion to that Union whose 

 symbol once more floats in glory and honor over all 

 our land. 



3. That slavery, having perished by the war, and 

 being now prohibited by an amendment of the Na- 

 tional Constitution neither can nor ought to be re- 

 stored; while a wise regard to the altered circum- 

 stances of the country, and impartial justice to the 

 millions who have been enfranchised, demand the 

 adoption of proper constitutional measures for the 

 protection, improvement, . and elevation of this por- 

 tion of the American people. 



4. . That, in a land of democratic institutions, all 

 public and private interests repose most securely on 

 the broadest basis of suffrage ; but, under the system 

 of distinct, though united, States, which distin- 

 guishes our American Government from the con- 

 solidated governments of the Old Worldj both wis- 

 dom and duty require that the application of this 

 principle bo left in the several States, under the 

 Constitution of the United States, to the people of 



