UNITED STATES. 



751 



each State, without interference by the national 

 Government. 



5. That public security is endangered, and the 

 public prosperity arrested, by the unwise and unjust 

 disfranchisement imposed on the people of the South- 

 ern States by recent legislation ; the best guarantees 

 of perfect peace, increasing wealth, and oeneficent 

 government in those States will be found in complete 

 and universal amnesty, and the speediest possible 

 removal of all civil and political disabilities. 



6. That we have observed with alarm the growing 

 tendency to the centralization and consolidation oi 

 all the powers of the national Government in the 

 Legislative department, and are constrained to op- 

 pose to it a determined resistance. It is of the first 

 importance that every department of the Govern- 

 ment, whether legislative, judicial, or executivej be 

 maintained in its full constitutional authority, with- 

 out encroachment by either upon the other. Uncon- 

 stitutional and usurped control of the other depart- 

 ments by the Legislature must result not only in the 

 destruction of the checks and balances of the Consti- 

 tution, but ultimately in the subjugation of the 

 Senate, in the subversion of the States, and in the 

 overthrow of the Union. 



7. That we earnestly condemn the establishment 

 and continuance of military government in the States, 

 and especially the trial of citizens by military com- 

 missions, as unnecessary, unwise, and inconsistent 

 with the fundamental principles of civil liberty. 

 Neither military governments, nor military commis- 

 sions for the trial of civilians in time of peace, can 

 be tolerated by a free people resolved to maintain free 

 institutions. 



8.^ That the maintenance of great armies and navies 

 in time of peace imposes heavy burdens on industry, 

 and is dangerous to liberty. We insist, therefore, on 

 the reduction of our army and navy to the smallest 

 numbers consistent with due efficiency, and upon the 

 withdrawal from the Southern States of all military 

 force not absolutely necessary for the support of the 

 civil authority. 



9. That no fears need be entertained of evil conse- 

 quences from the extension of the area of the United 

 States ; while, therefore, we have neither the purpose 

 nor the wish to impose our institutions by force upon 

 any people, we shall welcome the accession to the 

 American Union of neighbor States whenever they 

 are willing to come in and can be received without 

 breach of international obligations. 



10. That the full weight of American assertion and 

 influence should be given to the doctrine that the 

 citizens and subjects of all civilized States have the 

 right to choose in what country and under what gov- 

 ernment they will live ; and we especially insist that 

 all American citizens, whether native or naturalized, 

 shall be promptly and efficiently protected by the 

 National Government, in every part of the world, 

 against the oppression and injustice of all govern- 

 ments whatever. 



^11. That in our judgment the conduct of our In- 

 dian affairs has been marked by great corruption, 

 and needs to be thoroughly reformed. To protect 

 the remnants of the powerful tribes, which once pos- 

 sessed this broad land, in their decay and weakness, 

 is the plain duty of the powerful nation which has 

 succeeded them. 



12. That labor is the true source of all wealth, and 

 the men of labor are not only the real authors of 

 the material well being, but the best defenders of 

 the honor and interests of the country ; it is, there- 

 fore, not less the dictate of wise policy than of sound 

 principles that the rights of labor be fully maintained, 

 and every possible opportunity of individual im- 

 provement secured, by just laws, to the workingmen 

 of the country. 



13. That honor and duty alike require the honest 

 payment of the public debt and the faithful perform- 

 ance of all public obligations ; but we do not admit 

 that creditors, more than other men, are entitled to 



special favor in the interpretation of the laws by 

 which their rights and the public duties are deter- 

 mined. The interpretation of laws, in cases of con- 

 flicting interests, belongs to the courts. 



14. That it is the duty of Congress to arrest all 

 wasteful expenditures ; to alleviate the burdens of 

 taxation by wise distribution ; to reduce and remove, 

 as far as practicable, those which bear especially 

 upon labor, and to prevent, by wise laws, misman- 

 agement, fraud, and corruption, in the collection of 

 the revenue ; and it is equally the duty of every 

 branch of the Government to enforce and practice 

 the most rigid economy in the conduct of our public 

 affairs. 



15. That we invite and welcome the cooperation of 

 all patriotic citizens who are willing to unite with us 

 in our determination to maintain the union of the 

 States, the rights of the States, and the rights of citi- 

 zens ; to arrest the progress of consolidation and the 

 arbitrary exercise of military power ; and to bring 

 back to the Government economical, vigorous, and 

 beneficial administration, and to the States and to the 

 people peace, progress, and prosperity. 



This platform, as will be seen, was not adopt- 

 ed by the convention; one was accepted by 

 that body which differed from this in some im- 

 portant points. Nevertheless, the movement 

 in favor of Mr. Chase's nomination went on, 

 and the very morning of the actual nomination 

 of Mr. Seymour a private caucus of the New 

 York delegation was held, at which, on motion 

 of Mr. Seymour, it was resolved that the dele- 

 gation should present the name of Mr. Chase. 

 This resolution was carried by a vote of thirty- 

 seven yeas to twenty-four nays. Before an 

 opportunity occurred to present his name for- 

 mally in obedience to this resolution, the 

 unanimous nomination of Mr. Seymour was 

 carried at the instance of the Ohio delegates. 

 If Mr. Seymour had not been nominated, there 

 might still have been serious differences as to 

 Mr. Chase, arising from the platform ; for a 

 Democratic friend of his in New York had re- 

 ceived from the Chief Justice a letter, written 

 for the information of members of the conven- 

 tion, after the platform had been telegraphed 

 to Washington, which letter expressed dissent 

 from the declarations concerning reconstruc- 

 tion, and declined commitment on any ques- 

 tions of constitutional law not already settled 

 by the Supreme Court. 



On August 4th, Mr. Seymour addressed a 

 long letter to the committee of the convention, 

 accepting the nomination. On this subject he 

 said: 



GENTLEMEN : When in the city of New York, on 

 the llth of July, in the presence of a vast multitude, 

 on behalf of the National Democratic Convention, 

 you tendered to me its unanimous nomination as 

 their candidate for the office of President of the 

 United States, I stated I had no woro!s adequate to 

 express my gratitude for the good-will and kindness 

 which that body had shown to rne. Its nomination 

 was unsought and unexpected. It was my ambition 

 to take an active part from which I am now excluded 

 in the great struggle going on for the restoration of 

 good government, of peace and prosperity to our 

 country. But I have been caught up by the over- 

 whelming tide which is bearing the country on to a 

 great political change, and I find my self unable to re- 

 sist its pressure. 



You have also given me a copy of the resolutions 



